The Secretary of State for the Colonies
has given renewed consideration to the existing political
situation in Palestine, with a very earnest desire to
arrive at a settlement of the outstanding questions
which have given rise to uncertainty and unrest among
certain sections of the population. After consultation
with the High Commissioner for Palestine [Sir Herbert
Samuel] the following statement has been drawn up. It
summarizes the essential parts of the correspondence
that has already taken place between the Secretary of
State and a delegation from the Moslem Christian Society
of Palestine, which has been for some time in England,
and it states the further conclusions which have since
been reached.
The tension which has prevailed from
time to time in Palestine is mainly due to apprehensions,
which are entertained both by sections of the Arab and
by sections of the Jewish population. These apprehensions,
so far as the Arabs are concerned are partly based upon
exaggerated interpretations of the meaning of the [Balfour]
Declaration favouring the establishment of a Jewish
National Home in Palestine, made on behalf of His Majesty's
Government on 2nd November, 1917.
Unauthorized statements have been
made to the effect that the purpose in view is to create
a wholly Jewish Palestine. Phrases have been used such
as that Palestine is to become "as Jewish as England
is English." His Majesty's Government regard any
such expectation as impracticable and have no such aim
in view. Nor have they at any time contemplated, as
appears to be feared by the Arab delegation, the disappearance
or the subordination of the Arabic population, language,
or culture in Palestine. They would draw attention to
the fact that the terms of the Declaration referred
to do not contemplate that Palestine as a whole should
be converted into a Jewish National Home, but that such
a Home should be founded `in Palestine.' In this connection
it has been observed with satisfaction that at a meeting
of the Zionist Congress, the supreme governing body
of the Zionist Organization, held at Carlsbad in September
1921, a resolution was passed expressing as the official
statement of Zionist aims "the determination of
the Jewish people to live with the Arab people on terms
of unity and mutual respect, and together with them
to make the common home into a flourishing community,
the upbuilding of which may assure to each of its peoples
an undisturbed national development."
It is also necessary to point out
that the Zionist Commission in Palestine, now termed
the Palestine Zionist Executive, has not desired to
possess, and does not possess, any share in the general
administration of the country. Nor does the special
position assigned to the Zionist Organization in Article
IV of the Draft Mandate for Palestine imply any such
functions. That special position relates to the measures
to be taken in Palestine affecting the Jewish population,
and contemplates that the organization may assist in
the general development of the country, but does not
entitle it to share in any degree in its government.
Further, it is contemplated that the
status of all citizens of Palestine in the eyes of the
law shall be Palestinian, and it has never been intended
that they, or any section of them, should possess any
other juridical status. So far as the Jewish population
of Palestine are concerned it appears that some among
them are apprehensive that His Majesty's Government
may depart from the policy embodied in the Declaration
of 1917. It is necessary, therefore, once more to affirm
that these fears are unfounded, and that that Declaration,
reaffirmed by the Conference of the Principle Allied
Powers at San Remo and again in the Treaty of Sevres,
is not susceptible of change.
During the last two or three generations
the Jews have recreated in Palestine a community, now
numbering 80,000, of whom about one fourth are farmers
or workers upon the land. This community has its own
political organs; an elected assembly for the direction
of its domestic concerns; elected councils in the towns;
and an organization for the control of its schools.
It has its elected Chief Rabbinate and Rabbinical Council
for the direction of its religious affairs. Its business
is conducted in Hebrew as a vernacular language, and
a Hebrew Press serves its needs. It has its distinctive
intellectual life and displays considerable economic
activity. This community, then, with its town and country
population, its political, religious, and social organizations,
its own language, its own customs, its own life, has
in fact "national" characteristics. When it
is asked what is meant by the development of the Jewish
National Home in Palestine, it may be answered that
it is not the imposition of a Jewish nationality upon
the inhabitants of Palestine as a whole, but the further
development of the existing Jewish community, with the
assistance of Jews in other parts of the world, in order
that it may become a centre in which the Jewish people
as a whole may take, on grounds of religion and race,
an interest and a pride. But in order that this community
should have the best prospect of free development and
provide a full opportunity for the Jewish people to
display its capacities, it is essential that it should
know that it is in Palestine as of right and not on
the sufferance. That is the reason why it is necessary
that the existence of a Jewish National Home in Palestine
should be internationally guaranteed, and that it should
be formally recognized to rest upon ancient historic
connection.
This, then, is the interpretation
which His Majesty's Government place upon the Declaration
of 1917, and, so understood, the Secretary of State
is of opinion that it does not contain or imply anything
which need cause either alarm to the Arab population
of Palestine or disappointment to the Jews.
For the fulfilment of this policy
it is necessary that the Jewish community in Palestine
should be able to increase its numbers by immigration.
This immigration cannot be so great in volume as to
exceed whatever may be the economic capacity of the
country at the time to absorb new arrivals. It is essential
to ensure that the immigrants should not be a burden
upon the people of Palestine as a whole, and that they
should not deprive any section of the present population
of their employment. Hitherto the immigration has fulfilled
these conditions. The number of immigrants since the
British occupation has been about 25,000.
It is necessary also to ensure that
persons who are politically undesirable be excluded
from Palestine, and every precaution has been and will
be taken by the Administration to that end.
It is intended that a special committee
should be established in Palestine, consisting entirely
of members of the new Legislative Council elected by
the people, to confer with the administration upon matters
relating to the regulation of immigration. Should any
difference of opinion arise between this committee and
the Administration, the matter will be referred to His
Majesty's Government, who will give it special consideration.
In addition, under Article 81 of the draft Palestine
Order in Council, any religious community or considerable
section of the population of Palestine will have a general
right to appeal, through the High Commissioner and the
Secretary of State, to the League of Nations on any
matter on which they may consider that the terms of
the Mandate are not being fulfilled by the Government
of Palestine.
With reference to the Constitution
which it is now intended to establish in Palestine,
the draft of which has already been published, it is
desirable to make certain points clear. In the first
place, it is not the case, as has been represented by
the Arab Delegation, that during the war His Majesty's
Government gave an undertaking that an independent national
government should be at once established in Palestine.
This representation mainly rests upon a letter dated
the 24th October, 1915, from Sir Henry McMahon, then
His Majesty's High Commissioner in Egypt, to the Sharif
of Mecca, now King Hussein of the Kingdom of the Hejaz.
That letter is quoted as conveying the promise to the
Sherif of Mecca to recognise and support the independence
of the Arabs within the territories proposed by him.
But this promise was given subject to a reservation
made in the same letter, which excluded from its scope,
among other territories, the portions of Syria lying
to the west of the District of Damascus. This reservation
has always been regarded by His Majesty's Government
as covering the vilayet of Beirut and the independent
Sanjak of Jerusalem. The whole of Palestine west of
the Jordan was thus excluded from Sir. Henry McMahon's
pledge.
Nevertheless, it is the intention
of His Majesty's Government to foster the establishment
of a full measure of self government in Palestine. But
they are of the opinion that, in the special circumstances
of that country, this should be accomplished by gradual
stages and not suddenly. The first step was taken when,
on the institution of a Civil Administration, the nominated
Advisory Council, which now exists, was established.
It was stated at the time by the High Commissioner that
this was the first step in the development of self-governing
institutions, and it is now proposed to take a second
step by the establishment of a Legislative Council containing
a large proportion of members elected on a wide franchise.
It was proposed in the published draft that three of
the members of this Council should be non official persons
nominated by the High Commissioner, but representations
having been made in opposition to this provision, based
on cogent considerations, the Secretary of State is
prepared to omit it. The legislative Council would then
consist of the High Commissioner as President and twelve
elected and ten official members. The Secretary of State
is of the opinion that before a further measure of self
government is extended to Palestine and the Assembly
placed in control over the Executive, it would be wise
to allow some time to elapse. During this period the
institutions of the country will have become well established;
its financial credit will be based on firm foundations,
and the Palestinian officials will have been enabled
to gain experience of sound methods of government. After
a few years the situation will be again reviewed, and
if the experience of the working of the constitution
now to be established so warranted, a larger share of
authority would then be extended to the elected representatives
of the people.
The Secretary of State would point
out that already the present administration has transferred
to a Supreme Council elected by the Moslem community
of Palestine the entire control of Moslem Religious
endowments (Waqfs), and of the Moslem religious Courts.
To this Council the Administration has also voluntarily
restored considerable revenues derived from ancient
endowments which have been sequestrated by the Turkish
Government. The Education Department is also advised
by a committee representative of all sections of the
population, and the Department of Commerce and Industry
has the benefit of the co operation of the Chambers
of Commerce which have been established in the principal
centres. It is the intention of the Administration to
associate in an increased degree similar representative
committees with the various Departments of the Government.
The Secretary of State believes that
a policy upon these lines, coupled with the maintenance
of the fullest religious liberty in Palestine and with
scrupulous regard for the rights of each community with
reference to its Holy Places, cannot but commend itself
to the various sections of the population, and that
upon this basis may be built up that a spirit of cooperation
upon which the future progress and prosperity of the
Holy Land must largely depend.
Sources: The
Avalon Project