Statement on Palestine by British Foreign Secretary Bevin
(November 13, 1945)
His Majesty's Government have been giving serious and
continuous attention to the whole problem of the Jewish
community that has arisen as a result of Nazi persecution
in Germany and the conditions arising therefrom. It is
unfortunately true that until conditions in Europe become
stable the future of a large number of persons of many
races, who have suffered under this persecution, cannot
finally be determined. The plight of the victims of Nazi
persecution, among whom were a large number of Jews, is
unprecedented in the history of the world. His Majesty's
Government are taking every step open to them to try and
improve the lot of these unfortunate people.
The Jewish problem is a great human one. We cannot
accept the view that the Jews should be driven out of
Europe and should not be permitted to live again in
these countries without discrimination and contribute
their ability and talent toward rebuilding the prosperity
of Europe. Even after we have done all we can in this
respect it does not provide a solution of the whole
problem.
There have recently been demands made upon us for
large-scale immigration into Palestine. Palestine, while
it may be able to make a contribution, does not by itself
provide sufficient opportunity for grappling with the
whole problem. His Majesty's Government are anxious
to explore every possibility which will result in giving
the Jews a proper opportunity for revival.
The problem of Palestine is itself a very difficult
one. The mandate for Palestine required the mandatory
to facilitate Jewish immigration and to encourage close
settlement by Jews on the land, while insuring that
the rights and position of other sections of the population
are not prejudiced thereby. His Majesty's Government
have thus a dual obligation, to the Jews on the one
side and to the Arabs on the other.
The lack of any clear definition of this dual obligation
has been the main cause of the trouble which has been
experienced in Palestine during the past twenty-five
years. His Majesty's Government have made every effort
to devise some arrangement which would enable Arabs
and Jews to live together in peace and to cooperate
for the welfare of the country, but all such efforts
have been unavailing. Any arrangement acceptable to
one party has been rejected as unacceptable to the other.
The whole history of Palestine since the mandate was
granted has been one of continual friction between the
two races, culminating at intervals in serious disturbances.
The fact has to be faced that since the introduction
of the mandate it has been impossible to find common
ground between the Arabs and the Jews. The differences
in religion and in language, in cultural and social
life, in ways of thought and conduct, are difficult
to reconcile. On the other hand, both communities lay
claim to Palestine, one on the ground of a millennium
of occupation and the other on the ground of historic
association coupled with the undertaking given in the
First World War to establish a Jewish home. The task
that has to be accomplished now is to find means to
reconcile these divergencies.
The repercussions of the conflict have spread far
beyond the small land in which it has arisen. The Zionist
cause has strong supporters in the United States, in
Great Britain, in the Dominions and elsewhere; civilization
has been appalled by the sufferings which have been
inflicted in recent years on the persecuted Jews of
Europe.
On the other side of the picture the cause of the
Palestinian Arabs has been espoused by the whole Arab
world and more lately has become a matter of keen interest
to their 90,000,000 co-religionists in India. In Palestine
itself there is always serious risk of disturbance on
the part of one community or the other, and such disturbances
are bound to find their reflection in a much wider field.
Considerations not only of equity and of humanity but
also of international amity and world peace are thus
involved in any search for a solution.
In dealing with Palestine all parties have entered
into commitments. There are the commitments imposed
by the mandate itself, and in addition the various statements
of policy which have been made by His Majesty's Government
in the course of the last twenty-five years. Further,
the United States Government themselves have undertaken
that no decision should be taken in respect to what,
in their opinion, affects the basic situation in Palestine
without full consultation with both Arabs and Jews.
Having regard to the whole situation and the fact that
it has caused this world-wide interest which affects
both Arabs and Jews, His Majesty's Government decided
to invite the Government of the United States to cooperate
with them in setting up a joint Anglo-American Committee
of Inquiry, under a rotating chairmanship, to examine
the question of European Jewry and to make a further
review of the Palestine problem in the light of that
examination. I am glad to be able to inform the House
that the Government of the United States have accepted
this invitation.
The terms of reference of the Committee of Inquiry
will be as follows:
(1) To examine political, economic and social conditions
in Palestine as they bear upon the problem of Jewish
immigration and settlement therein and the well-being
of the peoples now living therein.
(2) To examine the position of the Jews in those countries
in Europe where they have been the victims of Nazi and
Fascist persecution, and the practical measures taken
or contemplated to be taken in those countries to enable
them to live free from discrimination and oppression
and to make estimates of those who wish or will be impelled
by their conditions to migrate to Palestine or other
countries outside Europe.
(3) To hear the views of competent witnesses and to
consult representative Arabs and Jews on the problems
of Palestine as such problems are affected by conditions
subject to examination under paragraphs 1 and 2 above
and by other relevant facts and circumstances, and to
make recommendations to His Majesty's Government and
the Government of the United States for ad interim handling
of these problems as well as for their permanent solution.
(4) To make such other recommendations to His Majesty's
Government and the Government of the United States as
may be necessary to meet the immediate needs arising
from conditions subject to examination under paragraph
2 above, by remedial action in the European countries
in question or by the provision of facilities for emigration
to and settlement in countries outside Europe.
The procedure of the committee will be determined
by the committee themselves and it will be open to them,
if they think fit, to deal simultaneously through the
medium of subcommittees with their various terms of
reference.
The committee will be invited to deal with the matters
referred to in their terms of reference with the utmost
expedition. In complying with the second and fourth
paragraphs of their terms of reference, the committee
will presumably take such steps as they consider necessary
in order to inform themselves of the character and magnitude
of the problem created by the war. They will also give
consideration to the problem of settlement in Europe
and to possible countries of disposal. In the light
of their investigations they will make recommendation
to the two Governments for dealing with the problem
in the interim until such time as a permanent solution
can be submitted to the appropriate organ of the United
Nations.
The recommendations of a Committee of Inquiry such
as will now be set up will also be of immense help in
arriving at a solution of the Palestine problem. The
committee will, in accordance with the first and third
paragraphs of their terms of reference, make an examination
on the spot of the political, economic and social conditions
which are at present held to restrict immigration into
Palestine and, after consulting representative Arabs
and Jews, submit proposals for dealing with these problems.
It will be necessary for His Majesty's Government both
to take action with a view to securing some satisfactory
interim arrangement and also to devise a policy for
permanent application thereafter.
This inquiry will facilitate the findings of a solution
which will in turn facilitate the arrangements for placing
Palestine under trusteeship.
So far as Palestine is concerned it will be clear
that His Majesty's Government cannot divest themselves
of their duties and responsibilities under the mandate
while the mandate continues. They propose, in accordance
with their pledges, to deal with the question in three
stages:
(1) They will consult the Arabs with a view to an
arrangement which will insure that, pending the receipt
of the ad interim recommendations which the Committee
of Inquiry will make in the matter, there is no interruption
of Jewish immigration at the present monthly rate.
(2) After considering the ad interim recommendations
of the Committee of Inquiry, they will explore, with
the parties concerned, the possibility of devising other
temporary arrangements for dealing with the Palestine
problem until a permanent solution of it can be reached.
(3) They will prepare a permanent solution for submission
to the United Nations and, if possible, an agreed one.
The House will realize that we have inherited, in
Palestine, a most difficult legacy and our task is greatly
complicated by undertakings, given at various times
to various parties, which we feel ourselves bound to
honor. Any violent departure without adequate consultation
would not only afford ground for a charge of breach
of faith against His Majesty's Government but would
probably cause serious reactions throughout the Middle
East and would arouse widespread anxiety in India.
His Majesty's Government are satisfied that the course
which they propose to pursue in the immediate future
is not only that which is in accordance with their obligations
but is also that which, in the long view, is in the
best interests of both parties. It will in no way prejudice
either the action to be taken on the recommendations
of the Committee of Inquiry or the terms of the trusteeship
agreement, which will supersede the existing mandate
and will therefore control ultimate policy in regard
to Palestine.
His Majesty's Government in making this new approach
wish to make it clear that the Palestine problem is
not one which can be settled by force and that any attempt
to do so by any party will be resolutely dealt with.
It must be settled by discussion and conciliation, and
there can be no question of allowing an issue to be
forced by violent conflict.
We have confidence that if this problem is approached
in the right spirit by Arabs and Jews, not only will
the solution be found to the Palestine question, just
to both parties, but a great contribution will be made
to stability and peace in the Middle East.
Finally, the initiative taken by His Majesty's Government,
and the agreement of the United States Government to
cooperate in dealing with the whole problem created
by Nazi aggression, is a significant sign of their determination
to deal with the problem in a constructive way and a
humanitarian spirit. But I must emphasize that the problem
is not one which can be dealt with only in relation
to Palestine; it will need a united effort by the powers
to relieve the miseries of these suffering peoples.
Throughout there has been the closest consultation
between the Secretary of State for the Colonies and
myself in this matter, which concerns him since the
mandatory status of Palestine brings that territory
within the responsibility of the Colonial Office. But
it is also of deep concern to me since the problem is
clearly an international problem.
It is the intention of the Government that the problem
shall be continued to be handled in close collaboration
between our two departments in order that the particular
question of Palestine and the wider international issues
which are involved may be harmonized and treated as
a whole, as a great human problem.
Sources: New York Times, (November 13, 1945). Words
of Peace-Words of War. |