My German countrymen, men and women, (long pause)
Changes of Government have occurred frequently in history, and in the
history of our people. It is certain, however, that never was a change
of Government attended with such far-reaching results as that eight
years ago. At that time the situation of the Reich was desperate. We
were called upon to take over the leadership of the nation at a moment
when it did not seem to develop towards a great rise. We were given
power in circumstances of the greatest conceivable pressure, the pressure
of the knowledge that, by itself, everything was lost, and that, in
the eyes of the noblest minds, this represented a last attempt, while
in the eyes of evil-wishers it should condemn the National-Socialist
Movement to final failure. Unless the German nation could be saved,
by a miracle, the situation was bound to end in disaster. For during
a period of 15 years, events had moved downwards without respite. On
the other hand, this situation was only the result of the World War:
of the outcome of the World War, of our own internal, political, moral,
and military collapse. For these reasons it is particularly important
on a day like this to think back to the course of that entire national
misfortune.
What was the cause of the World War? I do not want to
explain it from the personal aspect, about which so many
treatises have been written. Ordered by the present President
Roosevelt, American scholars have investigated the cause of
the World War and made sure that there could be no German
guilt. In moments of so great importance in contemporary
history, individuals can play a significant part only if they
enter the scene as really outstanding personalities. This was
not then the case. Neither on the German nor on the other
side were there personalities cast in an unusual mould. The
cause, therefore, could not be due to the failure or to the
will of individuals. The reasons went deeper. The German form
of government, certainly, could not have been the cause of
that war, for Germany was a democracy already-and what a
democracy! Strictly copied from the western countries, it was
compromise between monarchy and parliamentary leadership. On
account of its form of government then, this State could
certainly not be the cause of the war waged by the
democracies against the Reich as it was then. Germany,
considered as a political factor in the world, was much more
of a cause, for after centuries of disruption and ensuing
weakness, the German tribes and states had at last combined
into a new State which naturally introduced a new element
into the so-called Balance of Power, an element which was
regarded as an alien body by others. Even more potent,
perhaps was dislike of the Reich as an economic factor. After
Germany had tried for centuries to remedy her economic
distress by letting people gradually starve or forcing them
to emigrate, the increasing consolidation of the, political
power of the Reich gave rise to a development of economic
power. Germany began to export commodities rather than men,
thereby securing the necessary markets in the world, a
process, natural and just from our point of view, but others
regarded it as encroachment into their most sacred
domains.
Here we come to the State which regarded this
encroachment as intolerable-England.
Three hundred years earlier England had gradually built
her Empire, not perhaps through the free will or the
unanimous demonstrations of those affected, but for 300 years
this World Empire was welded together solely by force. War
followed war. One nation after another was robbed of its
freedom-one state after another was shattered so that the
structure which calls itself the British Empire might arise.
Democracy was nothing but a mask covering subjugation and the
oppression of nations and individuals. This State cannot
allow its members to vote if today, after they have been
worked upon for centuries, they should freely choose to be
members of this Commonwealth. On the contrary, Egyptian
Nationalists, Indian Nationalists in their thousands are
filling the prisons. Concentration camps were not invented in
Germany; it is the English who were the ingenious inventors
of this idea. By these means they contrived to break the
backbone of other nations, to remove their resistance, to
wear them down, and make them prepared at last to submit to
this British yoke of democracy.
In this process, a formidable weapon was that of lying,
that is, of propaganda. A proverb says that if the Englishman
speaks of God he means cotton. And so it is today.
Considering how pious and religious are the outward gestures
of men who deliberately, and with a cold heart, drive nation
after nation into a struggle serving only their material
interests, one is compelled to state that rarely has human
hypocrisy reached such a pitch as that of the English today.
At any rate, at the end of the blood-stained path of British
history over three centuries stands the fact that 46,000,000
Englishmen in the mother country are ruling about a quarter
of the globe.
This means that there are 46,000,000 men for about
40,000,000 square kilometres. It is important, my countrymen,
to shout this to the world again and again, for they are
brazen democratic liars who assert that the so-called
Authoritarian States are out to conquer the world, while in
fact, the conquerors of the world are our old enemies. The
British World Empire has left behind an icy stream of blood
and tears in the path of its creation. It rules today,
undoubtedly, a tremendous section of the globe. But this
world government is affected not by the power of an idea, but
essentially by force, and where force does not suffice, by
the power of capitalist or economic interests.
Bearing in mind the history of the British Empire, we can
understand the process itself only as a result of the
complete absence of the European Continent as an entity in
face of this development, particularly by the absence of the
German Reich. For 300 years, Germany was practically
non-existent. While the British talked of God without losing
sight of their economic interests, the German nation,
overstrained to the limit, raised religious problems to such
importance that bloody wars, lasting for centuries, ensued.
This was one of the conditions which made the formation of
the British Empire possible, for in the same measure with
which the German nation spent its strength internally, it was
eliminated as a power internationally, and in the same
measure England could, undisturbed, build her Empire through
robbery.
Not only was Germany practically eliminated from
competition on this globe during those three centuries; the
same holds for Italy, where there were similar phenomena as
in Germany, but of a political and dynastic rather than a
religious nature. For other reasons again, another great
nation in East Asia was eliminated, which also for nearly
four centuries had gradually withdrawn from the rest of the
world, and ceasing to regard its own living space as vital
plunged into voluntary solitude.
In this way a system arose, particularly in Europe, which
England called the Balance of Power, which means, in fact,
disorganization of the European Continent in favour of the
British Isles. For this reason it was for centuries the aim
of British policy to maintain this disorganization, not under
the name of "disorganization" of course, but with a
better sounding name. Just as they do not speak of cotton,
but say "God," they do not speak of the
disorganization of Europe but of the "Balance of
Power." And this so-called Balance of Power, that is the
real internal importance of Europe, enabled England again and
again to play one State against another, so keeping the
forces of Europe involved in internal struggle. Thus England
could thrust forward undisturbed into other areas offering
comparatively little resistance.
And yet to speak today of England's World Power or of
England as the master of the world, is nothing but an
illusion. To begin with her internal situation: England, in
spite of her world conquests is perhaps socially the most
backward State in Europe. Socially backward-that is, a State
orientated entirely in the interests of a comparatively small
and thin upper stratum and the Jewish clique with which it is
allied. The interests of the broad masses are of no weight in
determining the orientation of this State. Here again
propaganda phrases must serve. One speaks about freedom, one
speaks about democracy, one speaks about the achievements of
a Liberal system meaning nothing but the stabilization of the
regime of a section of society, which, thanks to its capital,
is able to get hold of the Press, to organize and direct it,
and to create public opinion. Thus, in a State commanding the
riches of the world, having gigantic living space at its
disposal, in a State with altogether hardly one inhabitant
per square kilometre, in a State so blessed by nature,
millions are excluded from these benefits, and live in
greater poverty than the population of any of the
over-populated central European States. The country which is
a paradise for a few, is nothing but continuous misery for
many, that is, for the masses. Misery in nourishment, misery
in clothing, misery particularly in housing; misery in
security of income, and in the entire social legislation. And
if all of a sudden a British Labour Secretary, who,
incidentally, as a member of the Opposition, is paid by the
State, appears and says: "After this war, after victory,
England will have to tackle social problems; we will have to
care for the wide masses," I can only reply, "We
have done this long ago."
It is only interesting to us as a confirmation of our
thesis that England in reality is socially the most backward
country in the world. Thus, considered internally, this
gigantic external wealth is really barren as far as the
masses as distinct from the few are concerned. But even
externally this world domination is only a figment. New
centres have been given to the world. Gigantic States have
arisen which can be neither attacked nor even threatened by
Great Britain. The whole British idea of world domination was
based on getting others to proceed against the Continent. But
outside this European Continent or far beyond it great States
have come into existence which are completely unassailable by
England. British diplomacy may only attempt to maintain its
position there by clever manipulations and by trying to bring
other forces into play, which means that it must now attempt
to raise the so-called Balance of Power in Europe to a
Balance of Power in the world. In other words, it has to play
Great Powers against each other in order to maintain at least
a semblance of a World Power.
In Europe, itself, however, the awakening of the nations
has already done away with the theory of the so-called
Balance of Power, that is, disorganization of the Continent.
The national development of Germany and the creation of
the new German Empire pierced into this disorganized European
Continent and to the south of us, Italy did the same. To this
must be added new elements which make the Balance of Power
appear an illusion. It exists no longer. Therein we really
see the real reason for the World War. Since 1871, when
German tribes began to organize themselves and, under the
leadership of a statesman of genius, formed an Empire once
more, and the national rebirth of the German nation found
expression in a united state, Great Britain has been
persecuting this new apparition. In 1871, even in 1870,
immediately after the battle of Sedan, British newspapers
began to point out that this new structure was more dangerous
to Great Britain than France had been. It had been hoped even
then that Prussia might succeed, perhaps, by a long war, in
throwing back France, but there was no wish that from
Prussia's rise there should emerge a national German re-birth
or, even more, a new German Empire.
Thus began the period from 1871 to 1914, in which Great
Britain continually plotted for a war against Germany, in
which she was hostile and aggressive to Germany at every
opportunity, until finally the World War broke out, the work
of quite a small group of international, unscrupulous rogues.
And Great Britain received foreign help for this World War,
which, again, she was only able to wage with foreign help.
It is interesting to visualize the development of the
British policy of world domination during the last 400 years.
First, there was Spain, with Dutch help; then the fight
against the Dutch, with the help of other European States,
France amongst them; then, finally, was against France, with
the help of Europe and that part of the world at Great
Britain's disposal.
The World War which shook Europe from 1914 to 1918 was
exclusively the longed-for result of British statesmanship.
Although the whole world had at that time been mobilized
against Germany, Germany was actually not defeated. We may
safely state this today.
I should not like to be a critic of the past if I had not
improved upon it. But today, as one of the historic men who
have improved matters, I may critically examine and judge the
past, and all I can say is that the result of the year 1918
is merely the consequence of a rare accumulation of personal
inefficiency in the leadership of our nation, a unique
accumulation which had never existed before in history,
nor-let me tell these gentlemen-will it ever be repeated. In
spite of all this, this country and the German soldier for
four years withstood the attack of a hostile world, and the
German nation still believed in the honor of the remaining
democratic world and its statesmen.
This credulity of the German nation, which was at the
time regretted by many, received a terrible reward. If today
Englishmen come along and believe that it is only necessary
to put on the gramophone the old propaganda records of the
years 1917-18 in order to achieve a new result, I can only
say they have not forgotten anything, but unfortunately for
them, they have not learned by experience. In this respect
they differ from the German people. The German nation has
learned since then; nor has it forgotten anything.
We do not wish to be mean. Many times there have been
broken pledges in the past. But what happened in the years
following 1918 was not one broken pledge; broken pledges were
mass-produced. Not a single pledge has been fulfilled. Never
before has a great nation been deceived as the German nation
was then deceived. It had received so many assurances, this
credulous nation had been promised so much, and what did they
do to our nation? It was plundered, it was exploited. A
foreign statesman, an American, was employed to make the
German people even more credulous. Perhaps this was really
the reason why the German people were duped by this
manoeuvre. But in this respect, too, they are immune against
any similar attempts. The German people had opportunities,
year after year, to ponder the sincerity of democratic
promises and assurances and the honesty of democratic
statesmen, to make comparison and to test them against their
own experiences. It was in this period that the National
Socialist movement originated.
If they now say: "But why did they pounce on a new
ideology?" my answer is "Because the old one failed
miserably." Not only in the interior-Heavens! democracy
was a pitiful thing with us! When 40 or 50 odd parties
compete with their gigantic philosophical interests, ranging
from that of property down to the level of cyclists' clubs,
estate owners and so on, that in itself is a very bad sight;
but quite apart from that; if we only had been rewarded
externally for this miserable internal democratic distortion
of our lives, we could at least say: "Well that stuff
has certainly failed at home, but at least you received
decent treatment outside." At home the whole thing was,
of course, nothing but a joke, but foreign countries took you
seriously-or at least they pretended that they wanted to take
you seriously. If they had kept some of their promises
because you were willing to be good democrats on the pattern
of others. Oh, if at least this had been the case! But who
was it they blackmailed? Who was it they sweated? Was it the
National Socialist State? It was the German democracy!
When I came home in 1918 and lived through the winter of
1918 and 1919, I realized, like many other people, that we
could not expect regeneration from the existing political
world in Germany, and so I began to search-as did so many
others-and this was how that conception originated which
later conquered the German nation as National-Socialism. I
started from the one insight: the German nation fell because
it indulged in the luxury of spending its strength at home.
This use of strength in the interior took away external
strength according to an external law.
The German nation had hoped to gain, in turn, the
goodwill of others but it met only the naked egotism of the
cruelest and meanest vested interests, which began to loot
everything there was to loot. One should not have expected
anything else. But now the die was cast. One thing seemed
obvious to me: any rise could not originate from outside.
First, the German nation had to learn to understand its own
political struggle, which enabled it to rally Germany's
entire strength above all its idealistic strength. And this
idealistic strength was at the time only to be found in two
camps; in the Socialist and in the Nationalist camps. But
these were the camps between which there was the most mortal
feud and strife. These two camps had to be fused into a new
unit.
Today, my countrymen, when millions and millions are
marching under the symbol of this unity, this appears to be
obvious. But in the years 1918 and 19l9, this seemed to be
the product of a diseased imagination. At best, people pitied
me. Perhaps, my countrymen, it was lucky that it was so. If
people had taken me seriously at that time, they would
probably have destroyed me, and the movement at that time was
much too small to be able to survive such a destruction. But
it was perhaps destiny willed by nature or by God, that they
laughed at us, mocked us, and that a certain type of
propaganda only ridiculed us and regarded us as a joke. Thus
we succeeded, gradually, in forming the first germ, and the
first nucleus of a new national community-an almost
incredible historical phenomenon started by unknown people
and willing followers among the masses of the people itself.
There is only one other State in which this process may
be regarded as having come to a successful conclusion: Italy;
nowhere else in Europe. In many States we see, perhaps, a
beginning and in all the democracies they fully realise the
importance of such a process, and believe that they can
achieve similar results by swindle. They forget one thing:
such a rebirth of a nation is really a miraculous event, an
event which pre-supposes faith rather than so-called abstract
and super-clever knowledge.
The fact that in the years 1918 to 1921 the simple belief
of the broad masses slowly came to us, was the beginning of
our Movement. That made the little man from the factories and
the mines, from the farms, from the offices, believe in his
future, in the future of this idea and this Movement, and in
the victory which was yet to come. At that time our point of
view was that if the German nation were not to repair its
prestige in the world, that is to say, did not again become a
powerful factor, Germany would shortly have 20,000,000 people
less. This was a matter of simple deduction.
Year after year unemployment increased and caused the
confusion of national conceptions and of economic plans. The
constant change of Governments prevented any wider vision.
Projects could not even be made for two or three months
ahead, because one could be sure that in three months the
government would have changed. One would say-"Why should
I clear up the mistakes made by others?" Another would
say, "Why should I make improvements only for someone
else to benefit?" There was no longer any reason to
attempt any efficacious and real solution. But this state of
affairs naturally increased national weakness, and the
economic decline, and caused more unemployment. The burden
became greater, the capacity to carry it less, and the end
had to be a collapse, the result of which could not be
foreseen.
It was well to be believed that the kind and humane
prophecy of the great democrat Clemenceau that we had
20,000,000 people too many would become the truth. Thus the
programme of unification of the German forces, of blind
obedience to a goal was created to assure our right to live
forever and ever.
By so doing we chose a path between two extremes. The one
of these extremes was holding our people: It was the
liberal-individualist extreme which made the individual not
only the centre of interest but also the centre of all
action. On the other hand, our people were tempted by the
theory of universal humanity which alone was to guide the
individual. Our ideals were between the two: we saw the
people as a community of body and soul, formed and willed by
Providence. We are put into this community and within it
alone can we form our existence. We have consciously
subordinated all considerations to this goal, have shaped all
interests according to it, and all our actions. Thus the
National-Socialist world of thought arose which has overcome
individualism, but not by cutting down individual capacities
or individual initiative, only by asserting that the common
interest is superior to individual liberty and the initiative
of the individual. This common interest regulates and orders,
if necessary, curtails, but also commands.
Thus we started a struggle against everyone in those
days, against the individualist as well as against the
humanitarians. And in this struggle we slowly conquered the
German nation during 14 years. The 1000 members which this
Movement counted at the end of its first year of life, a
number which was to increase steadily-these followers were
but Germans who had come from other movements. Hundreds of
thousands of my SA and SS had been fighters in other
organizations, whom we had all convinced and conquered by
winning their inner allegiance. That was perhaps the greatest
battle of souls in our history. I could not force anybody to
go with me, to enter my organization-they all had to be
inwardly convinced and this conviction caused them to make
great sacrifices. This struggle was to be really fought out
in the spirit by word, form and writing. Only when an
ill-willed opponent said: "I cannot defeat you in the
spirit, but I am stronger than you," only then did I,
the former soldier, rightly answer violence with violence.
Before I (apparently one or two words left out by Hitler) . .
. the fighting movement which fought by the spirit as long as
the opponent kept to spiritual weapons.... But I did not
hesitate to appeal to violence when the other thought he
would help the spirit by violence.
Our opponents at that time were those who have always
fought us inside as well as outside the country: a
conglomeration of people who feel, think and act according to
international ideas. We know the coalitions of that time. In
this battle of the spirit we have defeated them everywhere.
For when at last I was called to power, I came in the legal
way, under the Presidency of Reichs General Field Marshal von
Hindenburg because I was backed by the strongest movement.
This means that the so-called National Socialist
Revolution has defeated democracy, within democracy, by
democracy. We acquired power legally and today, too, I am
facing you here on a mandate given to me by the German
nation, a mandate more comprehensive than that which any one
of the so-called democratic statesmen possess today.
When we came to power in 1933 our road was clearly mapped
out. It had been defined in a struggle of 15 years, which in
a thousand demonstrations had put us under an obligation to
the German people. And I would be dishonourable and deserve
to be stoned if I had deviated but one step from this
programme, or if I were to do so now. The social part of this
programme meant unifying the German people, overcoming all
class and race prejudices, educating the German for the
community, and if necessary, breaking any opposition to this
unity. Economically, it meant building a National German
economy which appreciated the importance of private
initiative, but subordinated the entire economic life to the
common interest. Believe me, here, too, no other aim is
thinkable. In times in which the sons are arrayed for defence
in battle, and where no difference can be made between those
who represent much, and those who represent little, economic
advantages or privileged positions to the disadvantage of the
total community cannot be maintained. As everywhere, I
proceeded here by teaching, educating and slow adaptation,
for it was my pride to carry out this revolution without one
single window-pane being broken in Germany. A revolution
which led to the greatest changes ever achieved on earth, but
which destroyed nothing, only slowly reorganized everything,
until at last the entire great community had found its new
road,-that was my goal.
It was the same in foreign politics. My programme was to
do away with Versailles. People all over the world should not
pretend to be simpletons and act as if I had only discovered
this programme in 1933, or 1935 or 1937. These gentlemen
should only have read what I wrote about myself a thousand
times instead of listening to stupid emigre trash. No human
being can have stated and written down as often as I what he
wanted, and I wrote it again and again: "Away with
Versailles!"
And this was not a whim of ours, but the reason was that
Versailles was the greatest injustice and the most abject
ill-treatment of a great people ever known in history.
Without the abolition of this instrument of force-meant to
destroy the German people-it would have been impossible to
keep this people alive. I came forward as a soldier with this
programme, and spoke about it for the first time in 1919. And
I have kept to this programme as to a solemn obligation
during all the years of the struggle for power, and when I
came to power I did not say like democratic politicians
(follows a quotation from Schiller's Fiesco meaning
roughly: "The monster has carried out his work, now he
can be dismissed.") But at that moment I said to myself:
"Thank God, for having brought me to a point where I can
put my programme into action."
But again I did not want to do this with violence. I
talked as much as any human being can. My speeches in the
Reichstag, which cannot be falsified by democratic statesmen,
are evidence for history. What offers did I make them! How I
begged them to be reasonable! I begged them to see reason and
not to interfere with the existence of a great nation. I
proved to them that they themselves would derive no benefit
from it. I told them it was senseless, and that they would
only do themselves harm. What have I not done in all these
years to pave the way to an understanding? It would never
have been possible to begin this armament race unless others
had wanted it. I made proposals to them. However, every
proposal, coming as it did from me, was sufficient to cause
excitement among a certain Jewish-international-capitalist
clique, just as it used to happen formerly in Germany when
every reasonable proposal was rejected only because it was
made by National Socialists.
My Reichstag speech on 17th May 1933, or for that matter,
my later speeches, my innumerable announcements at public
meetings, all the memoranda which I wrote in these days-they
were all governed by the one idea: whatever happened it must
be possible to find a method for a peaceful revision of this
Versailles Treaty. That this Treaty was an infamous document,
all its authors finally admitted. In fact, the possibility of
a revision was to be left open. Only they made the League of
Nations the agent for this purpose, and this institution was
quite unsuited for its task. The League of Nations was
established on the one hand to prevent a revision of the
Treaty, and, on the other hand, was to have jurisdiction for
such a revision.
At first we were not members of the League, and later
German participation amounted in the last analysis to nothing
but the payments of yearly installments. That was the only
positive thing as far as Germany could see. Of course,
Germany was then a Democracy and the Democrats of Berlin
begged, on their knees. They went to Geneva before the
International Tribunal. They begged: "Give us a
revision." Everything was in vain.
I, as a National Socialist, recognized after a few months
that this Tribunal would not help us. Accordingly, I did what
I could, but I say our adversaries always confused us with
the people with whom they had dealt since November 1918. The
German nation had nothing in common with those men. That was
not Germany. They were miserable individuals kept by England
and France, who had doped them. That was not the German
nation, and to connect the nation with such people we regard
as a defamation.
If the others believed they could apply the same methods
to us they applied to the November men, they were greatly
mistaken. In that event both sides were at cross purposes.
They could not expect us to go to Geneva and continue
begging, to receive kicks, and to beg again. If they expected
that, they mistook the former German soldier for the traitor
of 1918. Of course, those November men could not do anything
but give in, for they were in fetters; they were caught in
the fetters of that other world. We, however, have no reason
to give in to that other world, or do the English perhaps
believe that we have an inferiority complex when we compare
ourselves with them. (Several words drowned in applause.)
Then they forced us down by a lie; a trick, but the
British soldiers did not defeat us. Neither did it seem
during the Western campaign that any change has taken
place.
I, myself, and in fact, all of us, made up our minds that
voluntary negotiation at Geneva would not yield any result.
The only thing to do, therefore, was to leave Geneva.
Never in my life have I pushed myself. Those who do not
want to talk to me need not do so. Now here are 85,000,000
Germans looking into the future with pride and confidence.
They are heirs of a great history. We had a world empire when
England was nothing but a small island, and for a longer time
than for 300 years. Indeed, they forced us to take the road
which we took. The League of Nations only ridiculed and
derided us. We left it. At the Disarmament Conference, the
same happened, and we left it. We started on the road which
we were forced to choose, but all the time we strove for
understanding and conciliation. In this connection I may
point out that our striving in one case, in that of France,
almost succeeded. When the Saar Plebescite took place and the
Saar territory was returned to the Reich, I made up my mind,
with difficulty, and declared on behalf of the German nation
that I would waive any further revision in the West. The
French accepted this as a matter of course, but I told the
French Ambassador of the day: Look here, this is by no means
a matter of course as you seem to imagine. What we are doing
is making a sacrifice in the interest of peace. We make this
sacrifice, but we, at least, want to have peace in exchange
for it.
But the ruthlessness of the capitalist plutocrats in
these countries always broke through in a short time,
fostered by emigrants who presented a picture of the German
situation which was naturally quite mad, but was believed
because it seemed agreeable and then, of course, it was
propagated by Jewish hatred. This collection of capitalist
interests on the one hand, Jewish instincts of hatred and the
emigrants' lust for revenge, succeeded in increasingly
beclouding the world, enveloping it in phrases, and in
inciting it against the present German Reich, just as against
the Reich which preceded us. At that time they opposed the
Germany of the Kaiser, this time they opposed
National-Socialist Germany. In fact, they opposed any Germany
which might be in existence. But my decision was firm: in no
circumstances to abandon one's rights, for in doing so it
would not be theories which were given up, but the lives of
millions of the future. I do not sacrifice some point or
other in a party programme, for in such a case one sacrifices
the future, a race, and nobody is entitled to do that unless
he stands before the people and says: "I can no longer
represent your interests; someone else must take over."
But we did not come to power having on our programme:
"We are ready to abandon the interests of the German
nation." I came with the oath: "I abandon no
interests." For, my country, it was not as if the
abandoning of interests would bring quiet for all time. We
saw that from the old German Reich, which began with
abandoning the Western Provinces of the Reich, and went on
and on, and every decade demanded further sacrifices, until
finally Germany was broken in pieces-then the century-long
powerlessness came over the people. As against that, I am
determined not to give way one step. Therefore when I saw
that the old warmongers of the Great War were resuming their
criminal activities in England, when Messrs. Churchill, Eden,
Duff Cooper and Hore-Belisha and so on, and Vansittart, our
great old friend, and then Chamberlain and Halifax-when these
old men again began their warmongering then it was clear to
me that these people were not concerned with reaching a just
understanding with Germany, but that they believed they could
again break Germany down, cheaply, and the quicker the
easier.
You know what happened then, my countrymen. In those
years, beginning in 1934, I armed. When in the Reichstag in
September 1939, I outlined the extent of German armament, the
rest of the world did not believe; for those who live by
bluff think that others are only bluffing. But we have
already experienced that internally. Here, too, my opponents
never believed me. When it is said that the prophet is not
without honour, save in his own country, I should like to
extend it, and say that his prophecies are not esteemed. So
it always was with me. And now it goes beyond our own
country: we are having exactly the same experience as my
National Socialist co-fighters had at home. Every one of our
prophecies was laughed at, every statement was represented as
ridiculous, every picture of the future described as a
fantastic chimera. We were greeted only with mockery and
laughter. Now I can only say to this world: "But I have
armed and very much so." The German people know it
today. But it does not know nearly all.
But it is not at all necessary that everything should be
told. What is decisive is that everything has been done.
We have demanded nothing from the others. When France
entered this war, she had absolutely no reason. It was merely
the desire to fight against Germany again. They said,
"We want the Rhineland; naturally we now want to split
up Germany; we want to tear away the Ostmark, we want to
disintegrate Germany." They actually wallowed in
fantasies of the destruction of our Reich, which were
completely unreal in the 20th Century, the century of the
conception of nationality. It was simply childish.
And England? I held out my hand, again and again. It was
actually my programme to reach an understanding with the
English people. We had really no point of difference,
absolutely none. There was a solitary point, the return of
the German colonies, and on that I said, "We will
negotiate that some time,-I do not fix any time." For
England those colonies are useless. They cover 40,000,000
square metres. What do they do with them? Absolutely nothing.
That is only the avarice of old usurers, who possess
something and will not give it up; perverted beings who see
their neighbour has nothing to eat, while they themselves
cannot use what they possess. The mere thought of giving away
something makes them ill. Moreover, I have demanded nothing
which belonged to the English, I have demanded only what they
robbed and stole in the years 1918 and 19l9. In fact, robbed
and stole against the solemn assurance of the American
President. We have not asked them for anything, not demanded
anything, again and again I offered my hand for negotiations.
Evermore clearly it became apparent that it is German
unification itself, this very State, which they
hate-irrespective of its aspect, no matter whether Imperial
or National Socialist, whether Democratic or Authoritarian.
Most of all they hate the social progress of the Reich, and
here, clearly, external hatred has combined with the meanest
internal egotism. For they say: "Never shall we be
reconciled with this world-it is the world of awakening
social conscience . . . (end of sentence drowned in
applause). As far as this goes, I can only tell the gentlemen
on both shores of the Atlantic: "In the present war that
side will achieve victory in the end where the social
conscience . . . (several inaudible words). They can wage
wars for their capitalist interests, but in the end these
wars will open the way for social risings within the nations;
for in the long run it is impossible that hundreds of
millions of human beings should be aligned according to the
interests of a few individuals. In the long run the greater
interest of mankind is bound to prevail over the interests of
these little plutocratic profiteers.
Proof that in other countries, too, a crisis is already
beginning to develop in this sphere, is that English Labour
Leaders now suddenly come out with new social conceptions, so
worn out and antiquated that I can only say: "Put them
back into the chest. We have already divested ourselves of
this sort of material, it is out of date. If you want to know
how these things are being done, then you must not take up
programmes which in our country would have been modern in the
80's or 90's. You must come to us and study here, then you
will learn something, gentlemen." But the mere fact that
anything like that is suddenly put forward as an aim-for what
then are these gentlemen actually waging war? First, they
said it was to fight against National Socialism that the
nations of the world had to be bled white, and now, suddenly
they detect in their bottom drawers, points that were in the
programmes of our predecessors. Why all this? They could have
had all this cheaper. But this fact furnishes proof that
there, too, the nations are showing signs of action, or if
for instance a storm breaks out in England, because
somebody-a colonel or a general, I believe-declares that in
the England of such an advanced social standard, they cannot
use officers taken from the lower section of the population,
but only officers from the upper classes-the others are
unfit-then I can only say, do you get exasperated because he
has said this? You should not get exasperated because this is
not the case, but not for the reason that somebody has at
long last expressed it. It is interesting that no one gets
exasperated over the fact that the reality is like this, that
is to say, that in point of fact only representatives of the
upper classes can attain a position there. This is what
should exasperate you, and not the fact that by mere chance
someone was, while this war is on, unwise enough to make that
statement. In our country if you are interested to hear it,
this was remedied long ago. Only a short time ago you pointed
out to us that our officers and generals were incapable,
because they are all too young and infested with National
Socialist ideas. Meanwhile developments have shown which side
has the better generals. If the war continues this will prove
a great misfortune for England, and you will have ample
opportunity to gain further experience. The English will make
up their minds to send a commission which is to take over our
soldiers. It is this social Germany which is hated most by
this clique, a conglomeration of Jews, their financiers and
profiteers. Our foreign policy, our policy in the interior
and our economic policy have been clearly defined. We have
set ourselves only one aim: the people. All paths upon which
we set our feet will lead to this purpose. Furthermore, we
recognize that unless one wants to destroy everything, one
must start and proceed on this path with many compromises and
many leniencies. But the movement is not the temporary
appearance of one man. Many years ago, in Mein Kampf I said that National Socialism will put its
stamp on the next thousand years of Germany history. You
cannot conceive it without National Socialism. It will only
then disappear when its programme has become a matter of
course. But not before that time.
But even in war, the possibility of an understanding
still existed. At once, after the war with Poland, I held out
my hand. I did not ask anything from either France or
England. It was in vain. After the collapse in the west, I
again held out my hand to England. I was received with
derision. They practically spat at me. They were indignant.
All right. Everything is in vain. The financial interests of
this Democracy are victorious over the true National
interests. Once more, the nations' blood must be at the
service of the money of this small group of interested
people. Thus the war started and thus it will go on. But,
looking back, I may point out one thing: the year behind us
and the last part of the previous year have practically
decided this war. The opponent which they first mobilized
against us in the East was overthrown in a few weeks. The
attempt to cut us off from Norway and the iron ore bases, and
to gain a base for attack against Northeast Germany was dealt
with in the same way, within a few weeks. The attempt to
reach the border of the Ruhr and the Ruhr zones via Holland
and Belgium collapsed after a few days. France went the same
way. England was chased from the Continent.
I sometimes read now of a British intention to begin a
great offensive somewhere. I have only one wish: that they
should inform me of it in advance; then I would have this
European territory cleared beforehand. I should like to save
them the difficulties of landing and we should then introduce
ourselves and discuss matters once more. And in the language
which is the only one they understand they now have hopes.
For they must have hopes. What are they expecting now?
We are now standing on this Continent and from where we
stand nobody will be able to remove us again. We have created
certain bases, and when the time comes we shall deal the
decisive blows, and that we have made good use of our time
will be historically impressed on the gentlemen during this
year.
What are they waiting for? For the help of others? I can
only say one thing: we have from the beginning allowed for
any eventuality. That the German nation has no quarrel with
the Americans is evident to everybody who does not
consciously wish to falsify truth. At no time has Germany had
interests on the American Continent except perhaps that she
helped that Continent in its struggle for liberty. If States
on this continent now attempt to interfere in the European
conflict, then the aim will only be changed more quickly.
Europe will then defend herself. And do not let people
deceive themselves. Those who believe they can help England
must take note of one thing: every ship, whether with or
without convoy which appears before our torpedo tubes is
going to be torpedoed.
We are involved in a war which we did not want. Otherwise
one could not stretch out one's hand to the other side.
However, if those financial hyenas want war, if they want to
exterminate Germany, they will get the surprise of their
lives. This time they are not up against a weakened Germany,
as they were during the World War. This time, they have
joined battle with a Germany which is mobilized to the limit
of her power, able and resolved to fight. However, should the
other side entertain hopes to the contrary, then I can only
say, "I cannot understand you."
They speak of Italy's coming defection. Let those
gentlemen not invent revolution in Milan, let them rather see
that unrest does not break out in their own countries.
Those countries view the relationship between Germany and
Italy as they do their own. If in democracies one gives aid
to the other, he asks a quid pro quo-bases or something of
the sort. These he then owns. When, therefore, the Italians
sent aircraft formations to the Atlantic coast the English
newspapers wrote that the Italians were putting their oar in
the conduct of the war, and that they would in future demand
an Atlantic base by way of compensation. On the other hand,
now that German aircraft formations are in Sicily, they say
that presumably Germany will confiscate that island. These
gentlemen can be quite certain that no German or Italian is
moved by such fine stories. Such tales show only the pathetic
lack of spirit of those people who in England retail such
anecdotes.
We can deduce from those writings that the people over
there have not yet understood the meaning of the present war,
but we have understood it very well. Wherever we can meet
England we will meet her. However, if they regard the present
setbacks of our partner as evidence of their victory, then I
really cannot understand Englishmen. Whenever they have
setbacks of their own they regard them as big victories. The
gentlemen over there may be convinced our calculation is
quite accurate, and the reckoning will be made after the war,
foot by foot, square kilometre by square kilometre. Another
thing these people must understand, the Duce and myself are
not Jews nor out for bargains. If we shake hands, that is the
handshake of men of honour. I hope that in the course of the
year the gentlemen will acquire a more accurate understanding
of this.
Perhaps they pin their hopes on the Balkans. If I were
they, I would not give much for that. One thing is certain.
Whenever England puts in an appearance we shall attack her,
and we are sufficiently strong to do so.
Perhaps they pin their hopes on other countries which
they can involve in this war. I don't know. But my Party
comrades, men and women, you have known me for so many years
as a careful man with foresight; I can assure you that every
possible contingency has been weighed and calculated. We
shall win final victory.
Perhaps, though probably not to the same extent, they
expect famine. We have organized our lives. We know at the
beginning that there would not be too much of anything in war
time. However, the German nation will never starve, never,
rather will the English nation, those gentlemen can be sure
of that.
Raw material shortage! That too, we have foreseen, and
have for that reason made our Four Year's Plan. Maybe this
has already dawned on some Englishmen.
There might be one other point. Perhaps they really
believe that once again they will be able to dope the German
nation with their lies, their propaganda and their empty
words. To this I can only say that they should not have slept
for so long. It would be better for them to look into the
development of the German nation somewhat more carefully. In
the same way, they were idiotic enough to try to estrange the
Italian nation and the Duce. One British lord rises and
appeals to the Italian nation no longer to follow the Duce,
but his lordship. That is too idiotic. Such an ass (next
words drowned). Then another lord rises and admonishes the
German nation to follow his lordship, and to turn away from
me. I can only tell these people: "Others in Germany
have tried that game." Those people have no conception
of the German nation, of the National-Socialist State, of our
community, the army of our marching masses, of our people.
Those people have no conception of our propaganda. Perhaps,
because they themselves were not quite convinced of the
effectiveness of their ideas, which they borrowed from some
people in Germany. However, these people are those who so
miserably failed here, the emigrants who had to leave. Such
are their advisors, and we can see it by the pamphlets. We
know for certain that this one was written by this fellow,
that one by that fellow. Just as idiotic as (following
drowned) in the time of the "system." Only at that
time this stuff was labelled Vossische Zeitung and is now labelled Times or something, and those
people imagine that these old, old stories, which were a
failure in the Vossische Zeitung will now be
successful because they are published by The Times or the Daily Telegraph.
A real softening of the brain has broken out in these
Democracies. They can rest assured, the German people will do
everything necessary for its interest. It will follow its
leadership. It knows that its leadership has no other goal.
It knows that today the man at the head of the Reich is not
one with a packet of shares in his pocket and with ulterior
motives. This German people, I know it and I am proud of it,
is pledged to me and will go with me through thick and thin.
An ancient spirit has come to life again in this people-a
spirit which was with us once before, a fanatic readiness to
accept any burden. We will repay every blow with compound
interest. The blow will only harden us, and whatever they
mobilize against us, and if the world were full of devils, we
will succeed all the same (quote from Luther's hymn, "A
mighty fortress is our God"). But when they end up by
saying: "But think of all the mistakes they made!"
God, who doesn't make mistakes! This morning I read that an
Englishman, I don't know how, has calculated that I made
seven mistakes last year. The man is mistaken. I have checked
it. I did not make seven mistakes but 724. But I continued to
calculate and found that my opponents had made 4,385,000.
That is right. I have checked it carefully. We will manage to
get on in spite of our mistakes. We will make as many
mistakes this year as last year, and if I make as many
mistakes as in 1940, then I must thank God on my knees at the
end of the year for letting me make only seven mistakes. And
if the enemies do as many clever things as last year, I shall
be satisfied.
We go into the new year with a fighting force armed as
never before in our German history. The number of our
divisions on land has been enormously increased. Pay has been
increased, the gigantic unique experience of war among the
leaders and the file has been put to use. The equipment has
been improved-our enemies will see how it has been improved
(applause and commotion). In the spring our U-boat war will
begin at sea, and they will notice that we have not been
sleeping (shouts and cheers). And the Air Force will play its
part and the entire armed forces will force the decision by
hook or by crook. Our production has increased enormously in
all spheres. What others are planning we have achieved. The
German people follows its leadership with determination,
confident in its armed forces and ready to bear what fate
demands. The year 1941 will be, I am convinced, the
historical year of a great European New Order. The programme
could not be anything else than the opening up of the world
for all, the breaking down of individual privileges, the
breaking of the tyranny of certain peoples, and better still,
of their financial autocrats.
Finally this year will help to assure the basis for
understanding between the peoples, and thereby, for their
reconciliation. I do not want to miss pointing out what I
pointed out on 3rd of September [1940] in the German
Reichstag, that if Jewry were to plunge the world into war,
the role of Jewry would be finished in Europe. They may laugh
about it today, as they laughed before about my prophecies.
The coming months and years will prove that I prophesied
rightly in this case too. But we can see already how our
racial peoples which are today still hostile to us will one
day recognise the greater inner enemy, and that they too will
then enter with us into a great common front. The front of
Aryan mankind against Jewish-International exploitation and
destruction of nations.
The year which lies behind us has been a year of great
successes, but also, it is true, one of many sacrifices. Even
if the total number of dead and wounded is small in
comparison with former wars the sacrifices for each
individual family concerned weigh heavy. Our whole sympathy,
our love and care belongs to those who had to make these
sacrifices. They have suffered what generations before us
also had to suffer. Each individual German had to make other
sacrifices. The nation worked in all spheres. German women
worked to replace men. It is a wonderful idea of community
which dominates our people. That this ideal, that our whole
strength should be preserved in the coming year-this should
be our wish today. That we will work for this community-let
that be our vow. That we conquer in devotion to this
community-that is our faith, one in which we are confident,
and that the Lord should not abandon us in this struggle of
the coming year-let that be our prayer. Deutschland! Sieg
Heil!
[1] As recorded by the Monitoring Service of the British
Broadcasting Corporation, courtesy of the Research Project
for Totalitarian Communication, New School for Social
Research.