Deputies, Men of the German Reichstag! A year
of events of historical significance is drawing to an end. A year of
the greatest decisions lies ahead. In these serious times, I speak to
you, Deputies of the German Reichstag, as to the representatives of
the German nation. Beyond and above that, the whole German people should
take note of this glance into the past, as well as of the coming decisions
the present and future impose upon us.
After the renewed refusal of my peace offer in January
1940 by the then British Prime Minister and the clique which supported
or else dominated him, it became clear that this war-against all reasons
of common, sense and necessity-must be fought to its end. You know me,
my old Party companions: you know I have always been an enemy of half
measures or weak decisions. If the Providence has so willed that the
German people cannot be spared this fight, then I can only be grateful
that it entrusted me with the leadership in this historic struggle which,
for the next 500 or 1,000 years, will be described as decisive, not
only for the history of Germany, but for the whole of Europe and indeed
the whole world. The German people and their soldiers are working and
fighting today, not only for the present, but for the coming, nay the
most distant, generations. A historical revision on a unique scale has
been imposed on us by the Creator.
Shortly after the end of the campaign in Norway, the
German Command was forced, first of all, to ensure the military security
of the conquered areas. Since then the defences of the conquered countries
have changed considerably. From Kirkenes to the Spanish Frontier there
is a belt of great bases and fortifications; many airfields have been
built, naval bases and protections for submarines which are practically
invulnerable from sea or air. More than 1,500 new batteries have been
planned and constructed. A network of roads and railways was constructed
so that today communications from the Spanish Frontier to Petsamo are
independent of the sea. These installations in no wise fall behind those
of the Western Wall, and work continues incessantly on strengthening
them. I am irrevocably determined to make the European Front unassailable
by any enemy.
This defensive work was supplemented by offensive warfare.
German surface and underwater naval Forces carried on their constant
war of attrition against the British Merchant Navy and the ships in
its service. The German Air Force supported these attacks by reconnaissance,
by damaging enemy shipping, by numerous retaliatory raids which have
given the English a better idea of the so charming war caused by their
present Prime Minister.
In the middle of last year Germany was supported above
all by Italy. For many months a great part of British power weighed
on the shoulders of Italy. Only because of their tremendous superiority
in heavy tanks could the English create a temporary crisis in North
Africa. On 24th March a small community of German-Italian units under
Rommel's command began the counter-attack. (Dates on which certain points
fell.) The German Africa Corps performed outstanding achievements though
they were completely unaccustomed to the climate of this theatre of
war. Just as once in Spain, now in North Africa Germans and Italians
have taken up arms against the same enemy.
While in these bold measures the North African Front
was again secured by the blood of German and Italian soldiers, the shadow
of a terrible danger threatening Europe gathered overhead. Only in obedience
to bitter necessity did I decide in my heart in 1939, to make the attempt,
at least, to create the pre-requisites for a lasting peace in Europe
by eliminating the causes of German-Russian tension. This was psychologically
difficult owing to the general attitude of the German people, and above
all, of the Party, towards Bolshevism. It was not difficult from a purely
material point of view-because Germany was only intent on her economic
interests in all the territories which England declared to be threatened
by us and which she attacked with her promises of aid-for you will allow
me to remind you that England, throughout the spring and late summer
of 1939, offered its aid to numerous countries, declaring that it was
our intention to invade those countries and thus deprive them of their
liberty. The German Reich and its Government were therefore able to
affirm, with a clear conscience, that these allegations were false and
had no bearing whatsoever on reality. Add to this the military realization
that in case of war, which British diplomacy was to force on the German
people a two front war would ensue and call for very great sacrifice.
When, on top of all this, the Baltic States and Rumania
showed themselves prone to accept the British Pacts of assistance and
thus let it be seen that they, too, believed in such a threat, it was
not only the right of the Reich Government, but its duty to fix the
limits of German interests. The countries in question, and above all,
the Reich Government, could not but realize that the only factor which
could be a buttress against the East was Germany. The moment they severed
their connection with the German Reich, and entrusted their fate to
the aid of that Power which, in its proverbial selfishness, has never
rendered aid, but always requested it, they were lost. Yet the fate
of these countries roused the sympathy of the German people. The winter
struggle of the Finns forced on us a feeling mixed with bitterness and
admiration. Admiration because we have a heart sensitive to sacrifice
and heroism, being a nation of soldiers ourselves: bitterness, because
with our eyes fixed on the menacing enemy in the West, and on the danger
in the East, we were not in a position to render military assistance.
As soon as it became evident that Soviet Russia deduced the right to
wipe out the nations living outside the limits of the German sphere
of interest, as a result of that limitation of interests our subsequent
relations were merely governed by utilitarian considerations, while
our reason and feelings were hostile.
With every month I became more convinced that the plans
of the men in Kremlin aimed at domination and annihilating all Europe.
I have had to submit to the nation the full extent of the Russian military
preparations. At a time when Germany had only a few divisions in the
provinces bordering on Russia it would have been evident to a blind
man that a concentration of power of singular and world historic dimensions
was taking place, and that not in order to defend something which was
threatened, but merely in order to attack an object it did not seem
possible to defend. The lightning conclusion of the Western campaign,
however, robbed the Moscow overlords of their hope of an early flagging
of German power. This did not alter their intentions-it merely led to
a postponement of the date on which they intended to strike. In the
summer of 1941 they thought the time was ripe. A new Mongolian storm
was now to sweep Europe. At the same time, however, Mr. Churchill spoke
on the English aspect of the struggle with Germany. He saw fit, in a
cowardly manner, to deny that in the secret session of 1940 in the House
of Commons that he pointed out that the entry of Russians into the war
which was to come in 1941 at the very latest, was the most important
factor which would make a successful conclusion of the war possible.
This was also to enable England to take the offensive. In the spring
of that year, Europe was to feel the full extent of the might of a world
power which seemed to dispose of inexhaustible human material and resources.
Dark clouds began to gather on the European sky. For, my Deputies, what
is Europe? There is no fitting geographical definition of our Continent,
but only a national and cultural one.
Not the Urals form the frontier of our Continent, but
the eternal line which divides the Eastern and Western conceptions of
life. There was a time when Europe was that Greek Island into which
Nordic tribes had penetrated in order to light a torch for the first
time which from then onwards began slowly, but surely to brighten the
world of man. When these Greeks repulsed the invasion of the Persian
conquerors they did not only defend their homeland, which was Greece,
but that idea which we call Europe today. And then Europe traveled from
Hellas to Rome. With the Greek spirit and Greek culture, the Roman way
of thinking and Roman statesmanship were joined. An Empire was created
which, to this day has not been equaled in its significance and creative
power, let alone outdone. When, however the Roman legions were defending
Rome against the African onslaught of Carthage and at last gained a
victory, again it was not Rome they were fighting for, but the Europe
of that time, which consisted of the Greek-Roman world.
The next incursion against this homestead of European
culture was carried out from the distant East. A terrible stream of
barbarous, uncultured hordes sallied forth from the interior of Asia
deep into the hearts of the European Continent, burning, looting, murdering-a
true scourge of the Lord. In the battle of the Catalonian fields the
(West?) was formed. On the ruins of Rome the West was built, and its
defence was a task, not only of the Romans, but also above all of the
Teutons (Germans). In centuries to come the West, enlightened by Greek
culture, built the Roman Empire and then expanded by the colonization
of the Teutons was able to call itself Europe. Whether it was the German
Emperor who was repelling the attacks from the East on the Field of
Lech or whether Africa was being pushed back from Spain in long fighting,
it was also a struggle of Europe, coming into being, against a surrounding
world alien in its very essence. Once Rome had been given its due for
the creative defense of this continent, Teutons took over the defense
and the protection of a family of nations which might still differentiate
and differ in their political structure and objective, but which nevertheless
represented a cultural unity with blood ties. And it was from this Europe
that a spiritual and cultural abundance went out, of which everyone
must be aware who is willing to seek truth instead of denying it.
Thus it was not England who brought culture to the
Continent, but the offspring of Teutonic nationhood on the Continent
who went as Anglo-Saxons and Normans to that Island made possible a
development in a way surely unique. In just the same way, it was not
America who discovered Europe, but the other way around. And everything
which America has not drawn from Europe may well appear worthy of admiration
to a juda-ised, mixed race; Europe, on the other hand, sees in it a
sign of cultural decay.
Deputies and Men of the German Reichstag, I had to
make this survey, for the fight which, in the first months of this year,
gradually began to become clear, and of which the German Reich is this
time called to be the leader also far exceeds the interests of our nation
and country. Just as the Greeks once faced the Persians in war, and
the Romans faced the Mongolians, the Spanish heroes defended not only
Spain, but the whole of Europe against Africa, just so Germany is fighting
today, not for herself, but for the entire Continent. And it is a fortunate
symptom that this realization is today so deep in the subconscious of
most European nations that, whether by taking up their position openly
or whether by the stream of volunteers, they are sharing in this struggle.
When, on the 6th of April of this year, the German
and Italian Armies took up their positions for the fight against Yugoslavia
and Greece, it was the introduction of the great struggle in which we
are still involved. The revolt in Belgrade which led to the overthrow
of the former Regent and his Government was decisive for the further
course of events in this part of Europe, for England was also a party
to this putsch. But the chief role was played by Soviet Russia. What
I refused to Mr. Molotov on his visit to Berlin, Stalin now thought
he could achieve by a revolutionary movement, even against our will.
Without consideration for the agreements which had been concluded, the
intentions of the Bolsheviks in power grew still wider. The Pact of
Friendship with the new revolutionary regime illuminated the closeness
of the threatening danger like lightning.
The feats achieved by the German Armed Forces were
given worthy recognition in the German Reichstag on the 4th of May.
But what I was then unfortunately unable to express was the realization
that we were progressing at tremendous speed toward a fight with a State
which was not yet intervening because it was not yet fully prepared,
and because it was impossible to use the aerodromes and landing grounds
at that time of year on account of the melting snow.
My deputies, when in 1940 I realized from communication
in the English House of Commons and the observation of the Russian troop
movements on our frontiers that there was the possibility of danger
arising in the East of the Reich, I immediately gave orders to set up
numerous new armoured motorised infantry divisions. The conditions for
this were available from the point of view both of material and personnel.
I will give you, my Deputies, and indeed the whole German people, only
one assurance: the more the democracies speak much about armaments,
as is easily understandable, the more National Socialist Germany works.
It was so in the past, it is not different today. Every year brings
us increased, and above all, improved weapons, there where decisions
will be made. In spite of my determination under no circumstances to
allow our opponent to make the first stab in our heart-in spite of that
my decision was a very difficult one. If democratic newspapers today
declare that, had I known the strength of our Bolshevik opponent more
accurately, I would have hesitated to attack, they understand the position
just a little as they understand me. I sought no war. On the contrary
I did everything to avoid it. But I would have been forgetful of my
duty and responsibility if, in spite of realizing the inevitability
of a fight by force of arms, I had failed to draw the only possible
conclusions. In view of the mortal danger from Soviet Russia, not only
to the German Reich, but to all Europe, I decided, if possible a few
days before the outbreak of this more struggle, to give the signal to
attack myself.
Today, we have overwhelming and authentic proof that
Russia intended to attack; we are also quite clear about the date on
which the attack was to take place. In view of the great danger, the
proportions of which we realise perhaps only today to the fullest extent,
I can only thank God that He enlightened me at the proper time and that
He gave me the strength to do what had to be done!
To this, not only millions of German soldiers owe their
lives, but Europe its very existence. This much I may state today: had
this wave of over 20,000 tanks, hundreds of divisions, tens of thousands
of guns, accompanied by more than 10,000 aircraft, suddenly moved against
the Reich, Europe would have been lost. Fate has destined a number of
nations to forestall this attack, to ward it off with the sacrifice
of their blood. Had Finland not decided immediately to take up arms
for the second time, the leisurely bourgeois life of the other Nordic
countries would soon have come to an end.
Had the German Reich not faced the enemy with her soldiers
and arms, a flood would have swept over Europe, which once and for all
would have finished the ridiculous British idea of maintaining the European
balance of power in all its senselessness and stupid tradition. Had
Slovaks, Hungarians, Rumanians not taken over part of the protection
of this European world, the Bolshevik hordes would have swept like Attila's
Huns over the Danubian countries, and at the cost of the Ionic Sea,
Tartars and Mongols would have enforced today the revision of the Montreux
Agreement. Had Italy, Spain and Croatia not sent their divisions, the
establishment of a European defense Front would have been impossible,
from which emanated the idea of the New Europe as propaganda to all
other nations.
Sensing and realising this, the volunteers have come
from Northern and Western Europe, Norwegians, Danes, Dutchmen, Flemings,
Belgians, even Frenchmen-volunteers who gave the struggle of the United
Powers of the Axis the character of a European crusade-in the truest
sense of the world.
The time has not yet come to talk about the planning
and the conduct of this campaign, but I believe that I may sketch in
a few sentences what has been achieved in this most gigantic of all
struggles, in which memories of the various impressions might so easily
fade because of the vastness of the space and the great number of important
events.
The attack began on 22nd of June; with irresistible
daring the frontier fortifications which were destined to secure the
Russian advance against us were broken through and on the 23rd Grodno
fell. On the 24th Vilna and Kovoo were taken after Brest-Litovsk had
been occupied. On the 26th Duenaburg was in our hands and on 10th July,
the first two great pincer battles of Bialystok and Minsk were concluded:
324,000 prisoners, 3,332 tanks and 1,809 guns fell to us. Already, on
13th July, the Stalin Line was broken through on all important points.
On the 16th Smolensk fell after heavy fighting, and on the 19th German
and Rumanian formations forced the crossing of the Dniester. On the
6th of August, the Battle of Smolensk was concluded in many pockets
and again 310,000 Russians fell into German captivity, while 3,205 tanks
and 3,120 guns were destroyed or captured. Only three days later the
fate of another Russian Army group was sealed and on 9th August another
103,000 Russians were taken prisoner in the Battle of Ouman; 317 tanks
and 1,100 guns destroyed or captured. On 17th August Nicolaeff was taken,
on the 21st, Kherson. On the same day the Battle of Gomel was concluded
with 84,000 prisoners taken and 124 tanks, as well as 808 guns captured
or destroyed. On the 21st August, the Russian positions between Lakes
Peipus and Ilmen were broken through and on the 26th the bridgehead
at Dniepropetrovsk fell into our hands. On 28th August German troops
marched into Reval and Boltisk Port after heavy fighting, while on the
30th the Finns took Viipuri. By conquering Schluesselburg on the 8th
September, Leningrad was finally cut off, also from the South. On 6th
September we succeeded in establishing bridgeheads on the Dnieper and
on the 8th Poltava fell into our hands. On 9th September German formations
stormed the citadel of Kiev and the occupation of Oesel was crowned
by taking the Capital. Only now the greatest operations matured into
the expected successes; on 27th September the Battle of Kiev was concluded;
665,000 prisoners began to move westwards, 884 tanks and 3,178 guns
remained as booty in the pockets. As early as 2nd October the break-through
battle on the Central Front began, while on 11th October the battle
on the Sea of Azov was successfully concluded; again 107,000 prisoners,
212 tanks and 672 guns were counted. On 16th October, German and Rumanian
troops marched into Odessa after hard fighting. On 8th October the break-through
battle on the Central Front was concluded with a new success, unique
in history, when 663,000 prisoners were only part of its results; 1,242
tanks and 5,452 guns were either destroyed or captured. On 31st October,
the conquest of Dagoo was concluded.
On 24th October, the industrial centre of Kharkov was
taken. On 28th October, the entrance of the Crimea was finally forced
at great speed, and on 2nd November already the capital Sinferopol was
taken by storm. On 6th November we had pierced through the Crimea up
to Kerch.
On 1st December, the total number of Soviet prisoners
amounted to 3,806,865; the number of tanks destroyed or captured was
21,391, that of guns, 32,541 and that of aeroplanes, 17,322. During
the same period 2,191 British planes were shot-down. The Navy sank 4,170,611
g.r.t. of British shipping, the air force 2,346,080 g.r.t.; a total
of 6,516,791 g.r.t. was thus destroyed. [Note: Figures checked, as they
do not tally.]
My Deputies, my German people, those are sober facts
or perhaps dry figures. Yet, may they never disappear from the history
and, above all from the memory and the consciousness, of our own German
people. For behind those figures are hidden the achievements, the sacrifices,
the privations, the everlasting heroic courage and the readiness to
die of millions of the best men of our own nation and of the States
allied to us.
All this had to be fought for by my staking health
and life and by effort of which those at home can hardly have an idea.
Marching for an endless distance, tormented by heat and thirst, often
held up by the mud of bottomless roads which would drive them almost
to despair, exposed, from the Black Sea to the Arctic Sea, to the inhospitability
of a climate which from the blazing heat of the July and August days,
dropped to the wintry storms of November and December, tortured by insects,
suffering from dirt and vermin, freezing in snow and ice, they have
fought-the Germans and the Finns, Italians, Slovaks, Hungarians and
Rumanians, the Croats, the volunteers from the North and West European
countries, all in all the soldiers of the Eastern Front.
The beginning of winter only will now check this movement;
at the beginning of summer it will again no longer be possible to stop
the movement. On this day I do not want to mention any individual section
of the Armed Forces, I do not want to praise any particular command;
they have all made a supreme effort. And yet, understanding and justice
compel me to state one thing again and again; amongst our German soldiers
the heaviest burden is born today, as in the past, by our matchless
German infantry
From 22nd June to 1st December the German Army lost
in this heroic fight 158,773 killed, 563,082 wounded and 31,191 missing.
The Air Force lost 3,231 killed, 8,453 wounded and 2,028 missing. The
Navy lost 210 killed, 232 wounded and 115 missing. The total losses
of the armed forces are thus 162,314 killed, 571,767 wounded and 33,334
missing. [Note: The figures for soldiers killed do not tally.] That
is to say, in killed and wounded slightly more than the field of death
of the Somme Battle, in missing a little less than half those missing
at that time. But all fathers and sons of our German people.
And now permit me to define my attitude to that other
world, which has its representative in that man, who, while our soldiers
are fighting in snow and ice, very tactfully likes to make his chats
from the fireside, the man who is the main culprit of this-war. When
in 1939 the conditions of our national interest in the then Polish State
became more and more intolerable, I tried at first to eliminate those
intolerable conditions by way of a peaceful settlement. For some time
it seemed as though the Polish Government itself had seriously considered
to agree to a sensible settlement. I may add that in German proposals
nothing was demanded that had not been German property in former times.
On the contrary, we renounced very much of what, before the World War,
had been German property. You will recall the dramatic development of
that time, in which the sufferings of German nationals increased continuously.
You, my deputies, are in the best position to gauge the extent of the
blood sacrifice, if you compare it to the casualties of the present
war. The campaign in the East has so far cost the German armed forces
about 160,000 killed; but in the midst of peace more than 62,000 Germans
were killed during those months, some under the most cruel tortures.
It could hardly be contested that the German Reich had had a right to
object to such conditions on its Frontiers and to demand that they should
cease to exist and that it was entitled to think of its own safety;
this could hardly be contested at a time when other countries were seeking
elements of their safety even in foreign continents. The problems which
had to be overcome were of no territorial significance. Mainly they
concerned Danzig and the union with the Reich of the torn-off province,
East Prussia. More difficult were the cruel persecutions the Germans
were exposed to, in Poland particularly. The other minorities, incidentally,
had to suffer a fate hardly less bitter.
When in August the attitude of Poland-thanks to the carte blanche guarantee received from England-became still
stiffer, the Government of the Reich found it necessary to submit, for
the last time, a proposal on the basis of which we were willing to enter
into negotiations with Poland-negotiations of which we fully and completely
apprised the then British Ambassador. I may recall these proposals today:
"Proposal for the settlement of the problem of the Danzig Corridor
and of the question of the German-Polish minorities. The situation between
the German Reich and Poland has become so strained that any further
incident may lead to a clash between the Armed Forces assembled on both
sides. Any peaceful settlement must be so arranged that the events mainly
responsible for the existing situation cannot occur again-a situation
which has caused a state of tension, not only in Eastern Europe, but
also in other regions. The cause of this situation lies in the impossible
Frontiers laid down by the Versailles dictate and the inhuman treatment
of the German minorities in Poland. I am now going to read the proposals
in question. [Hitler then proceeded to read the first 12 points of these
proposals.] The same goes for the proposals for safeguarding the minorities.
This is the offer of an agreement such as could not have been made in
a more loyal and magnanimous form by any government other than the National
Socialist Government of the German Reich.
The Polish Government at that period refused even as
much as to consider this proposal. The question then arises: how could
such an unimportant State dare simply to refuse an offer of this nature
and furthermore, not only indulge in further atrocities to its German
inhabitants who had given that country the whole of its culture, but
even order mobilization? Perusal of documents of the Foreign Office
in Warsaw has given us later some surprising explanations. There was
one man who, with devilish lack of conscience, used all his influence
to further the warlike intentions of Poland and to eliminate all possibilities
of understanding. The reports which the then Polish Ambassador in Washington
Count Potocki, sent to his Government are documents from which it may
be seen with a terrifying clearness to what an extent one man alone
and the forces driving him are responsible for the second World War.
The question next arises, how could this man fall into such fanatical
enmity toward a country which in the whole of its history has never
done the least harm either to America or to him personally?
So far as Germany's attitude towards America is concerned,
I have to state: (i) Germany is perhaps the only great power which has
never had a colony either in North or South America, or otherwise displayed
there any political activity, unless mention be made of the emigration
of many millions of Germans and of their work, which, however, has only
been to the benefit of the American Continent and of the U.S.A. (ii)
In the whole history of the coming into being and of the existence of
the U.S.A. the German Reich has never adopted a politically unfriendly,
let alone hostile attitude, but, on the contrary with the blood of many
of its sons, it helped to defend the U.S.A. The German Reich never took
part in any war against the U.S.A. It itself had war imposed upon it
by the U.S.A. in 1917, and then for reasons which have been thoroughly
revealed by an investigation committee set up by President Roosevelt
himself. There are no other differences between the German and the American
people, either territorial or political, which could possibly touch
the interests let alone the existence of the U.S.A. There was always
a difference of constitution, but that cannot be a reason for hostilities
so long as the one state does not try to interfere with the other. America
is a Republic, a Democracy, and today is a Republic under strong authoritative
leadership. The ocean lies between the two States. The divergences between
Capitalist America and Bolshevik Russia, if such conceptions had any
truth in them, would be much greater than between America led by a President
and Germany led by a Führer.
But it is a fact that the two conflicts between Germany
and the U.S.A. were inspired by the same force and caused by two men
in the U.S.A.-Wilson and Roosevelt. History has already passed its verdict
on Wilson, his name stands for one of the basest breaches of the given
word, that led to disruption not only among the so-called vanquished,
but also among the victors. This breach of his word alone made possible
the Dictate of Versailles. We know today that a group of interested
financiers stood behind Wilson and made use of this paralytic professor
because they hoped for increased business. The German people have had
to pay for having believed this man with the collapse of their political
and economic existence.
But why is there now another President of the U.S.A.
who regards it as his only task to intensify anti-German feeling to
the pitch of war? National-Socialism came to power in Germany in the
same year as Roosevelt was elected President. I understand only too
well that a world-wide distance separates Roosevelt's ideas and my ideas.
Roosevelt comes from a rich family and belongs to the class whose path
is smoothed in the Democracies. I am only the child of a small, poor
family and had to fight my way by work and industry. When the Great
War came, Roosevelt occupied a position where he got to know only its
pleasant consequences, enjoyed by those who do business while others
bleed. I was only one of those who carry out orders, as an ordinary
soldier, and naturally returned from the war just as poor as I was in
Autumn 1914. I shared the fate of millions, and Franklin Roosevelt only
the fate of the so-called Upper Ten Thousand.
After the war Roosevelt tried his hand at financial
speculation: he made profits out of the inflation, out of the misery
of others, while I, together with many hundreds of thousands more, lay
in hospital. When Roosevelt finally stepped on the political stage with
all the advantages of his class, I was unknown and fought for the resurrection
of my people. When Roosevelt took his place at the head of the U.S.A.,
he was the candidate of a Capitalist Party which made use of him: when
I became Chancellor of the German Reich, I was the Führer of the
popular movement I had created. The powers behind Roosevelt were those
powers I had fought at home. The Brains Trust was composed of people
such as we have fought against in Germany as parasites and removed from
public life.
And yet there is something in common between us. Roosevelt
took over a State in a very poor economic condition, and I took over
a Reich faced with complete ruin, also thanks to Democracy. In the U.S.A.
there were 13,000,000 unemployed, and in Germany 7,000,000 part-time
workers. The finances of both States were in a bad way, and ordinary
economic life could scarcely be maintained. A development then started
in the U.S.A. and in the German Reich which will make it easy for posterity
to pass a verdict on the correctness of the theories.
While an unprecedented revival of economic life, culture
and art took place in Germany under National Socialist leadership within
the space of a few years, President Roosevelt did not succeed in bringing
about even the slightest improvements in his own country. And yet this
work must have been much easier in the U.S.A. where there live scarcely
15 persons on a square kilometer, as against 140 in Germany. If such
a country does not succeed in assuring economic prosperity, this must
be a result either of the bad faith of its leaders in power, or of a
total inefficiency on the part of the leading men. In scarcely five
years, economic problems had been solved in Germany and unemployment
had been overcome. During the same period, President Roosevelt had increased
the State Debt of his country to an enormous extent, had decreased the
value of the dollar, had brought about a further disintegration of economic
life, without diminishing the unemployment figures. All this is not
surprising if one bears in mind that the men he had called to support
him, or rather, the men who had called him, belonged to the Jewish element,
whose interests are all for disintegration and never for order. While
speculation was being fought in National Socialist Germany, it thrived
astoundingly under the Roosevelt regime.
Roosevelt's New Deal legislation was all wrong: it
was actually the biggest failure ever experienced by one man. There
can be no doubt that a continuation of this economic policy would have
done this President in peace time, in spite of all his dialectical skill.
In a European State he would surely have come eventually before a State
Court on a charge of deliberate waste of the national wealth; and he
would have scarcely escaped at the hands of a Civil Court, on a charge
of criminal business methods.
This fact was realized and fully appreciated also by
many Americans including some of high standing. A threatening opposition
was gathering over the head of this man. He guessed that the only salvation
for him lay in diverting public attention from home to foreign policy.
It is interesting to study in this connection the reports of the Polish
Envoy in Washington, Potocki. He repeatedly points out that Roosevelt
was fully aware of the danger threatening the card castle of his economic
system with collapse, and that he was therefore urgently in need of
a diversion in foreign policy. He was strengthened in this resolve by
the Jews around him. Their Old Testament thirst for revenge thought
to see in the U.S.A. an instrument for preparing a second "Purim"
for the European nations which were becoming increasingly anti-Semetic.
The full diabolical meanness of Jewry rallied round this man, and he
stretched out his hands.
Thus began the increasing efforts of the American President
to create conflicts, to do everything to prevent conflicts from being
peacefully solved. For years this man harboured one desire-that a conflict
should break out somewhere in the world. The most convenient place would
be in Europe, where American economy could be committed to the cause
of one of the belligerents in such a way that a political interconnection
of interests would arise calculated slowly to bring America nearer such
a conflict. This would thereby divert public interest from bankrupt
economic policy at home towards foreign problems.
His attitude to the German Reich in this spirit was
particularly sharp. In 1937, Roosevelt made a number of speeches, including
a particularly mean one pronounced in Chicago on 5th October, 1937.
Systematically he began to incite American public opinion against Germany.
He threatened to establish a kind of Quarantine against the so-called
Authoritarian States. While making these increasingly spiteful and inflammatory
speeches, President Roosevelt summoned the American Ambassadors to Washington
to report to him. This event followed some further declarations of an
insulting character; and ever since, the two countries have been connected
with each other only through Chargés d'Affaires.
From November 1938 onwards, his systematic efforts
were directed towards sabotaging any possibility of an appeasement policy
in Europe. In public, he was hypocritically pretending to be for peace;
but at the same time he was threatening any country ready to pursue
a policy of peaceful understanding with the freezing of assets, with
economic reprisals, with demands for the repayment of loans, etc. Staggering
information to this effect can be derived from the reports of Polish
Ambassadors in Washington, London, Paris and Brussels.
In January, 1939, this man began to strengthen his
campaign of incitement and threatened to take all possible Congressional
measures against the Authoritarian States, with the exception of war,
while alleging that other countries were trying to interfere in American
affairs and insisting on the maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine, he
himself began from March 1939 onwards, to meddle in European affairs
which were no concern at all of the President of the U.S.A., since he
does not understand those problems, and even if he did understand them
and the historic background behind them, he would have just as little
right to worry about the central European area as the German Reich has
to judge conditions in a U.S. State and to take an attitude towards
them.
But Mr. Roosevelt went even farther. In contradiction
to all the tenets of international law, he declared that he would not
recognize certain Governments which did not suit him, would not accept
readjustments, would maintain Legations of States dissolved long before
or actually set them up as legal Governments. He even went so far as
to conclude agreements with such Envoys, and thus to acquire a right
simply to occupy foreign territories.
On 5th April, 1939, came Roosevelt's famous appeal
to myself and the Duce. It was a clumsy combination of geographical
and political ignorance and of the arrogance of the millionaire circles
around him. It asked us to give undertakings to conclude non-aggression
Pacts indiscriminately with any country, including mostly countries
which were not even free, since Mr. Roosevelt's allies had annexed them
or changed them into Protectorates. You will remember, my Deputies,
that I then gave a polite and clear reply to this meddling gentleman.
For some months at least, this stopped the flow of eloquence from this
honest warmonger. But his place was taken by his honourable spouse.
She-declined to live with her sons in a world such as the one we have
worked out. And quite right, for this is a world of labour and not of
cheating and trafficking.
After a little rest, the husband of that woman came
back on the scene and on the 4th November, 1939, engineered the reversion
of the Neutrality Law so as to suspend the ban on the export of arms,
in favor of a one-sided delivery of arms to Germany's opponents. He
then begins, somewhat as in Asia and in China, but the roundabout way
of an economic infiltration to establish a community of interests destined
to become operative sooner or later. In the same month, he recognizes,
as a so-called Government in exile, a gang of Polish emigrants, whose
only political foundation was a few million gold coins taken with them
from Warsaw. On the 9th of April he goes on and he orders the blocking
of Norwegian and Danish assets under the lying pretext of placing them
beyond the German reach, although he knows perfectly well that the Danish
Government in its financial administration is not in anyway being interfered
with, let alone controlled, by Germany. To the various exiled Governments
recognized by him, the Norwegian is now added. On the 15th May, 1940,
he recognizes the Dutch and Belgian emigre Governments. This is followed
by blocking Dutch and Belgian assets. His true mentality then comes
clearly to light in a telegram of 15th June to the French Prime Minister,
Reynaud. He advises him that the American government will double its
help to France, provided that France continues the war against Germany.
So as to give still greater expression to this, his wish for a continuation
of the war, he issues a, declaration that the American Government will
not recognize the results of the conquest of territories-i.e., the restoration
to Germany of lands which had been stolen from her. I don't need to
assure you, Members of the Reichstag, that it is a matter of complete
indifference to every German Government whether the President of the
U.S.A. recognizes the frontiers of Europe or no, and that this indifference
will likewise continue, in the future. I merely quote this to illustrate
the methodical incitement which has come from this man who speaks hypocritically
of peace, but always urges to war.
But now he is seized with fear that if peace is brought
about in Europe, his squandering of billions of money or armaments will
be looked upon (as plain fraud), since nobody will attack America-and
he then himself must provoke this attack upon his country. On the 17th
July, 1940, the American President orders the blocking of French assets
with a view, as he puts it, to placing them beyond German reach, but
really in order to transfer the French gold from Casablanca to America
with the assistance of an American cruiser. In July 1940 he tries by
enlisting American citizens in the British Air Force and by training
British airmen in the U.S.A. to pave ever better the way to war. In
August 1940, a military programme is jointly drawn up between the U.S.A.
and Canada. To make the establishment of a Canadian-U.S. Defence Committee
plausible-plausible at least to the biggest fools-he invents from time
to time crises, by means of which he pretends that America is being
threatened with aggression.
This he wishes to impress upon the American people
by suddenly returning on the 3rd April to Washington with all speed
on account of the alleged danger of the situation. In September 1940
he draws still nearer to the war. He turns over to the British Fleet
50 destroyers of the American Navy in return for which, to be sure,
he takes over several British bases in North and South America.
From all these actions, it may be clearly seen how,
with all his hatred for Socialist Germany, he forms the resolution of
taking over, as safely and securely as possible, the British Empire
in the moment of its downfall. Since England is no longer in the position
to pay cash for all the American deliveries, he imposes the Lease-Lend
Law on the American people. He thus receives powers to lend or lease
support to countries, the defence of which may appear to him as vital
in America's interests. Then in (indistinct) 1941, as Germany cannot
be made to react to any of his gestures, he takes yet a further step.
As far back as the 9th December 1939, American (?cruisers) in the security
zone handed over the German ship Columbus to the British ships.
In the circumstances she had to be sunk (note: i.e. scuttled). On the
same day, U.S. forces co-operated to prevent the attempted escape of
the German steamer Arauca. On the 27th January, 1940, the U.S.
cruiser (named, but indistinct) in contravention of International Law
advised enemy naval forces of the movements of the German steamers, Arauca, La Plata and Mangoni. On the 27th June, 1940,
he ordered, in complete contravention of International Law, a restriction
of the freedom of movements of foreign ships in U.S. harbours. In November,
1940, he ordered the German ships (?Reugeu), Niederwald and Rhein to be shadowed by American ships until these steamers were compelled
to scuttle themselves so as not to fall into enemy hands. On 30th April,
1941, followed the opening up of the Red Sea to U.S. ships, so that
they could carry supplies to the British armies in the Near East. Meanwhile,
in March, all German ships were requisitioned by the American authorities.
In the course of this German nationals were treated in a most inhuman
manner, and in contravention of all notions of international law certain
places of residence were assigned them, travelling restrictions imposed
upon them, and so on. Two German officers who had escaped from Canadian
captivity, were-again contrary to all the dictates of international
law-handcuffed and handed over to the Canadian authorities. 24th March
the same President who stands against every aggression, acclaimed Simovitch
[Chief of Aviation, Yugoslavia] and his companions who (?gained their
positions) by aggression and by removing the lawful government of the
country. Roosevelt some months before sent Colonel Donavan, a completely
unworthy creature, to the Balkans, to Sofia and Belgrade, to engineer
a rising against Germany and Italy.
In April, he promised help to Yugoslavia and Greece
under the Lend-Lease Act. At the end of April, this man recognized the
Yugoslav and Greek emigre governments, and once more against international
law, blocked the Yugoslav and Greek assets. From the middle of April
onwards, American watch over the Western Atlantic by U.S.A. patrols
was extended, and reports were made to the British. On the 26th April,
Roosevelt transferred to the British 20 motor-torpedo-boats and at the
same time, British warships were being repaired in U.S. ports. On 5th
May, the illegal arming and repairing of Norwegian ships for England
took place. On 4th June American troop transports arrived in Greenland,
to build airdromes. On 9th June, came the first British report that,
on Roosevelt's orders, a U.S. warship had attacked a German U-boat with
depth charges near Greenland. On 4th June, German assets in the U.S.A.
were illegally blocked. On the 7th June Roosevelt demanded under mendacious
pretexts, that German consuls should be withdrawn and German consulates
closed. He also demanded the closing of the German Press Agency, Trans
ocean, the German Information Library and the German Reichs bank Central
Office. On 6th and 7th July, Iceland, which is within the German fighting
zone, was occupied by American Forces or the orders of Roosevelt. He
intended, first of all, to force Germany to make war and to make the
German U-boat warfare as ineffective as it was in 1915-16. At the same
time, he promised American help to the Soviet Union. On 10th June, the
Navy Minister, Knox, suddenly announced an American order to shoot at
Axis warships. On 4th September, the U.S. destroyer Greer obeying
orders, operated with British aircraft against German U-boats in the
Atlantic. Five days later, a German U-boat noticed the U.S. destroyer
acting as escort in a British convoy. On 11th September Roosevelt finally
made a speech in which he confirmed and repeated his order to fire on
all Axis ships. On 29th September, U.S. escort-vessels attacked a German
U-boat with depth charges east of Greenland. On 7th October, the U.S.
destroyer Kearney acting as an escort vessel for Britain, again
attacked German U-boat with depth-charges. Finally, on 6th November
U.S. forces illegally seized the German steamer, Odenwald, and
took it to an American port where the crew were taken prisoner.
I will pass over the insulting attacks made by this
so-called President against me. That he calls me a gangster is uninteresting.
After all, this expression was not coined in Europe but in America,
no doubt because such gangsters are lacking here. Apart from this, I
cannot be insulted by Roosevelt for I consider him mad just as Wilson
was. I don't need to mention what this man has done for years in the
same way against Japan. First he incites war then falsifies the causes,
then odiously wraps himself in a cloak of Christian hypocrisy and slowly
but surely leads mankind to war, not without calling God to witness
the honesty of his attack-in the approved manner of an old Freemason.
I think you have all found it a relief that now, at last, one State
has been the first to take the step of protest against his historically
unique and shame less ill-treatment of truth, and of right-which protest
this man has desired and about which he cannot complain. The fact that
the Japanese Government, which has been negotiating for year with this
man, has at last become tired of being mocked by him in such an unworthy
way, fills us all, the German people, and think, all other decent people
in the world, with deep satisfaction.
We have seen what the Jews have done in Soviet Russia.
We have made the acquaintance of the Jewish Paradise on earth. Millions
of German soldiers have been able to see this country where the international
Jews have destroyed people and property. The President of the U.S.A.
ought finally to understand-I say this only because of his limited intellect-that
we know that the aim of this struggle is to destroy one State after
another. But the present German Reich has nothing more in common with
the old Germany. And we, for our part, will now do what this provocateur
has been trying to do so much for years. Not only because we are the
ally of Japan, but also because Germany and Italy have enough insight
and strength to comprehend that, in these historic times, the existence
or non-existence of the nations, is being decided perhaps for
ever. We clearly see the intention of the rest of the world towards
us. They reduced Democratic Germany to hunger. They would exterminate
our social things of today. When Churchill and Roosevelt state that
they want to build up a new social order, later on, it is like a hairdresser
with a bald head recommending an unfortunate hair-restorer. These men,
who live in the most socially backward states, have misery and distress
enough in their own countries to occupy themselves with the distribution
of foodstuffs.
As for the German nation, it needs charity neither
from Mr. Churchill nor from Mr. Roosevelt, let alone from Mr. Eden.
It wants only its rights! It will secure for itself this right to life
even if thousands of Churchills and Roosevelts conspire against it.
In the whole history of the German nation, of nearly
2,000 years, it has never been so united as today and, thanks to National
Socialism it will remain united in the future. Probably it has never
seen so clearly, and rarely been so conscious of its honour. I have
therefore arranged for his passports to be handed to the American Chargé
d'Affaires today, and the following ... [drowned in applause].
As a consequence of the further extension of President
Roosevelt's policy, which is aimed at unrestricted world domination
and dictatorship the U.S.A. together with England have not hesitated
from using any means to dispute the rights of the German, Italian and
Japanese nations to the basis of their natural existence. The Governments
of the U.S.A. and of England have therefore resisted, not only now but
also for all time, every just understanding meant to bring about a better
New Order in the world. Since the beginning of the war the American
President, Roosevelt, has been guilty of a series of the worst crimes
against international law; illegal seizure of ships and other property
of German and Italian nationals were coupled with the threat to, and
looting of, those who were deprived of their liberty by being interned.
Roosevelt's ever increasing attacks finally went so far that he ordered
the American Navy to attack everywhere ships under the German and Italian
flags, and to sink them-this in gross violation of international law.
American ministers boasted of having destroyed German submarines in
this criminal way. German and Italian merchantships were attacked by
American cruisers, captured and their crews imprisoned. With no attempt
at an official denial there has now been revealed in America President
Roosevelt's plan by which, at the latest in 1943, Germany and Italy
were to be attacked in Europe by military means. In this way the sincere
efforts of Germany and Italy to prevent an extension of the war and
to maintain relations with the U.S.A. in spite of the unbearable provocations
which have been carried on for years by President Roosevelt, have been
frustrated. Germany and Italy have been finally compelled, in view of
this, and in loyalty to the Tri-Partite act, to carry on the struggle
against the U.S.A. and England jointly and side by side with Japan for
the defense and thus for the maintenance of the liberty and independence
of their nations and empires.
The Three Powers have therefore concluded the following
Agreement, which was signed in Berlin today:
"In their unshakable determination not to lay
down arms until the joint war against the U.S.A. and England reaches
a successful conclusion, the German, Italian, and Japanese Governments
have agreed on the following points:
Article I. Germany, Italy and Japan will wage the common
war forced upon them by the U.S.A. and England with all the means of
power at their disposal, to a victorious conclusion.
Article II. Germany, Italy and Japan undertake not
to conclude an armistice or peace with the U.S.A. or with England without
complete mutual understanding.
Article III. Germany, Italy and Japan will continue
the closest cooperation even after the victorious conclusion of the
war in order to bring about a just new order in the sense of the Tri-Partite
Pact concluded by them on the 27th September 1940.
Article IV. This Agreement comes into force immediately
after signature and remains in force as long as the Tri-Partite Pact
of 27th September 1940. The Signatory Powers will confer in time before
this period ends about the future form of the co-operation provided
for in Article III of this Agreement."
Deputies, Members of the German Reichstag:
Ever since my last peace proposal of July 1940 was
rejected, we have realized that this struggle has to be fought out to
its last implications. That the Anglo-Saxon-Jewish-Capitalist World
finds itself now in one and the same Front with Bolshevism does not
surprise us National Socialists: we have always found them in company.
We have concluded the struggle successfully inside Germany and have
destroyed our adversaries after 16 years struggle for power. When, 23
years ago, I decided to enter political life and to lift this nation
out of its decline, I was a nameless, unknown soldier. Many among you
know how difficult were the first few years of this struggle. From the
time when the Movement I consisted of seven men, until we took over
power in January 1933, the path was so miraculous that only Providence
itself with its blessing could have made this possible.
Today I am at the head of the strongest Army in the
world, the most gigantic Air Force and of a proud Navy. Behind and around
me stands the Party with which I became great and which has become great
through me. The enemies I see before me are the same enemies as 20 years
ago, but the path along which I look forward cannot be compared with
that on which I look back. The German people recognizes the decisive
hour of its existence millions of soldiers do their duty, millions of
German peasants and workers, women and girls, produce bread for the
home country and arms for the Front. We are allied with strong peoples,
who in the same need are faced with the same enemies. The American President
and his Plutocratic clique have mocked us as the Have-nots-that is true,
but the Have-nots will see to it that they are not robbed of the little
they have.
You, my fellow party members, know my unalterable determination
to carry a fight once begun to its successful conclusion. You know my
determination in such a struggle to be deterred by nothing, to break
every resistance which must be broken. In September 1939 I assured you
that neither force nor arms nor time would overcome Germany. I will
assure my enemies that neither force of arms nor time nor any internal
doubts, can make us waver in the performance of our duty. When we think
of the sacrifices of our soldiers, any sacrifice made by the Home Front
is completely unimportant. When we think of those who in past centuries
have fallen for the Reich, then we realize the greatness of our duty.
But anybody who tries to evade this duty has no claim to be regarded
in our midst as a fellow German. Just as we were unmercifully hard in
our struggle for power we shall be unmercifully hard in the struggle
to maintain our nation.
At a time when thousands of our best men are dying
nobody must expect to live who tries to depreciate the sacrifices made
at the Front. Immaterial under what camouflage he tries to disturb this
German Front, to undermine the resistance of our people, to weaken the
authority of the regime, to sabotage the achievements of the Home Front,
he shall die for it! But with the difference that this sacrifice brings
the highest honour to the soldier at the Front, whereas the other dies
dishonoured and disgraced.
Our enemies must not deceive themselves-in the 2,000
years of German history known to us, our people have never been more
united than today. The Lord of the Universe has treated us so well in
the past years that we bow in gratitude to a providence which has allowed
us to be members of such a great nation. We thank Him that we also can
be entered with honour into the ever-lasting book of German history!