State Department Documents from the 1967 War
(June 5-8, 1967)
The following documents are declassified communications
from the State Department during the first few days of the 1967
war.
149. Memorandum for the Record/1/
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. 3. Top Secret; [codeword not
declassified].
Washington, November 17, 1968.
SUBJECT
Walt Rostow's Recollections of June 5, 1967
The following is a transcript of a tape recorded talk
with Walt Rostow on November 17, 1968:
This is Walt Rostow. I have in front of me Hal Saunders'
reconstruction of the log for Monday, June 5, 1967./2/ I shall make
some observations on what I remember of that morning. I should preface
everything that I am about to say with an acute awareness of the inadequacy
of memory, as one looks back on fast-moving events in a single day.
/2/Reference is to a "Chronology: To 5 June 1200
GMT" that Saunders put together summarizing the reports that were
received that morning. A version with Saunders' handwritten insertions
is ibid. The final typed version is ibid., Country File, Middle East
Crisis, Vol. III.
I recall, as the log verifies, that I received about
2:50 a.m. from the Sit Room a report that there were press accounts
coming in over the ticker of the opening of hostilities in the Middle
East. I told our people to check NMCC and others for official confirmation
and then call me back. At 2:55 a.m., I received confirmation and told
them I would come in. I dressed and arrived in, I should think, about
3:20 a.m.
I immediately called Secretary Rusk who I believe had
already been informed. I do not believe he was yet in his office. One
of the questions raised with Secretary Rusk was whether I should inform
the President immediately. He suggested that we wait perhaps an hour
before informing the President so that we could have a clearer picture
of what it was all about and would be in a position to give the President
some facts on the situation. Hal Saunders came in very shortly after
I did, and he went to work--I believe Art McCafferty also came in early--putting
into some kind of order the flow of facts from ticker and intelligence
sources of all kinds.
When I called the President at 4:35 a.m./3/ I remember
I simply gave him a straight factual report which he took in with very
few questions and no comment. If I am not mistaken, he ended up as he
often does any factual report by simply saying, "Thank you."
I have in front of me a piece of paper from which I first called the
President on Monday, June 5./4/ There are some notes at the top, which
would suggest that perhaps I called Evron in the morning to see if he
knew anything. I don't think there is any record of that call. I have
a note saying that we expect the matter to go quickly to the Security
Council. I have a UAR statement which probably reflects some Tel Aviv
or Jerusalem ticker, saying that the UAR opened an offensive and Israel
was containing that offensive. That was the earlier Israel report. But
what I have then is reports by Middle East time: 8:00 a.m.--Cairo--Sirens
heard. 8:05 a.m.--Israeli army report--tanks were engaged. 8:22 a.m.--Israeli
Defense spokesman statement, I can't now make sense out of. At 9:00,
Cairo claims it is attacked. I remember having some trouble about what
time it was in Cairo. Daylight saving time threw us off and I don't
know whether we ever did get it straight as to whether it was 9:00 or
8:00. There was an hour's difference, as I recall.
/3/No other record of this conversation has been found.
/4/Not found.
Then I go down--I have noted a little more fully there
were Tass announcements I guess on the Cairo attack. 8:00, and then
there is a more full Israeli account at 9:01, indicating that Cairo
has been attacked. Then we got something very important and solid. We
got indications from intelligence of a whole series of airfields described
by the Egyptians as unserviceable. [Editor's note: NSA chronology suggests
this was not available until Rostow's second call to the President.]/5/
That was the first hard military evidence of what the Israelis were
up to. It obviously represented a most purposeful and apparently efficient
attempt to move against the UAR airbases. At 9:38 Eastern time we get
the Jordanians indicating that the airfields and targets there had also
been attacked. Well, in any case, what I just ran through is a picture
of what the reports were with the President ending up with the hard
information of intelligence that the Israeli airforce was all over the
place, taking out UAR and Jordanian airfields. That's the nature of
the piece of paper I talked to and what we then had by about 4:35 our
time, of which as I say you had essentially some press reports out of
Cairo and Israel but hard intelligence indicating a systematic and purposeful
and effective attack on Arab airfields.
/5/All brackets in the source text.
The log says that I reported to the President again
at 6:15/6/--with more facts I would assume. According to the log I spoke
with the President three more times--at 6:42, 6:49, and 6:55. I am confident
that in the course of these calls the President instructed me to bring
in the following men in the morning to discuss the Middle East crisis:
Mr. Dean Acheson, Mac Bundy, Clark Clifford, George Ball. I telephoned
all of them, but Ball was in Chicago and we did not ask him to return
since the President wanted a meeting that morning.
/6/See Document 152
I decided it was important to have an immediate objective
assessment of how the war had begun and who had initiated it on the
basis of the intelligence and asked Clark Clifford to come in early
and make that assessment as Chairman of the President's Intelligence
Advisory Board. Clifford came in, I think about 8:30, although I don't
see that in the log. I immediately asked him to work with Saunders on
the evidence to form a judgment for the President on who had initiated
the war (see attachment)./7/
/7/No written report by Clifford on this subject has
been found. Saunders wrote in a December 19, 1968, Memorandum for the
Record "it soon became very clear that the Israelis had launched
a pre-emptive strike, pure and simple. However, it must be remembered
that, in those early hours, the first thing the Foreign Liaison Officer
of the Israeli Defense Ministry told us (0710 GMT) was that Egyptian
armored forces had advanced at dawn and that there was a large number
of radar tracks of Egyptian jets moving toward the Israeli shoreline
and Negev. We had to deal with this Israeli assertion." (Johnson
Library, National Security File, NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis,
Vol. 3) Saunders' memorandum states that he asked CIA to produce a paper
on the question of who had initiated the war; see Document 169.
Aside from just assembling the intelligence, my memory
focuses on (1) the President's instructions to assemble these men from
outside the Government, (2) initiating on my own the request to Clifford
to make the assessment as to the initiation of the war, and (3) the
word that the "hot line" was up. That came from McCafferty
to me and I believe we informed the President. I suspect at either 7:58
or 8:07. Actually, the word we used for the hot line was MOLINK. And
so the first word I had from McCafferty was not that the hot line was
"up", but that "MOLINK was up."
Then there was the gathering in the Sit Room to deal
with the hot line message which had come in from Kosygin./8/ I note,
although I wouldn't have remembered it, that the message was in about
8:15 and reply out by about 8:47. None of the outside men had arrived
by that time according to the records.
/8/Document 156.
Just as an illustration of how inadequate memory is,
when you called it to my attention this morning, I had forgotten that
we issued an early press statement/9/ and I may have been involved or
not. I simply don't remember. Secretary Rusk may have done it with Christian.
It does have in it this thought which had been running through our minds
even before the war actually broke out that it was time to shoot not
simply for a cease-fire, an attempt to stop the war, but for a solid
peace in the Middle East. That had been the thought in our minds as
we watched this dreadful crisis, as we watched the tenuous chewing-gum-and-string
arrangements of 1967 collapse. We found ourselves nevertheless with
the Straits of Tiran closed and with a quite unambiguous Presidential
commitment from President Eisenhower on Tiran backed up however by a
most uncertain UN arrangement which Secretary General could evade. I
think that whole experience forced on us a realization of how precarious
were the 1957 arrangements. It was before the war itself that we had
come to the conclusion that somehow we had to have something more solid
in the Middle East if we were ever to have a secure Middle East, so
the thought had been in our minds for some weeks.
/9/See Document 152.
My next recollection is of the meeting in the Cabinet
Room at 11:36 to 12:45, according to the log./10/ We had Secretaries
of State and Defense, Mr. Acheson, Mr. Bundy, Mr. Clifford, Tommy Thompson,
George Christian, Luke Battle and myself. I frankly do not recall a
great deal about that conversation but I believe it was at that time
that Mr. Clifford rendered his initial evaluation of how the war started
and--to put no fine point on it--his view was that the Israelis had
jumped off on minimum provocation in a very purposeful effort to deal
with air power and then go after the UAR armies which of course had
assembled in the Sinai. It was his judgment at the time as I recall
that it was a straight Israeli decision to deal with the crisis by initiating
war, although we were all conscious of the provocations at the Straits
of Tiran and mobilization in the Sinai.
/10/See Document 163.
I might just say parenthetically that President Johnson
has never believed that this war was ever anything else than a mistake
by the Israelis. A brilliant quick victory he never regarded as an occasion
for elation or satisfaction. He so told the Israeli representatives
on a number of occasions. However, at the time, I should say that, war
having been initiated against our advice, there was a certain relief
that things were going well for the Israelis. In part, because it was
an intelligence judgment very carefully canvassed in the previous weeks
that the Israelis would win briskly. The sense was that they would win
pretty briskly even if the Egyptians had started the war. Also behind
that satisfaction was not merely a question of our intelligence being
right, but it did look as though we would not be put in a position of
having to make a choice of engaging ourselves or seeing Israel thrown
into the sea or defeated. That would have been a most painful moment
and, of course, with the Soviet presence in the Middle East, a moment
of great general danger. So we did indeed know from these airfield accounts
right from the beginning that the most essential military act--the neutralization
of the Arab air--had probably gone well for the Israelis.
There was an interesting moment, as I remember it.
Mr. Acheson looked back on the whole history of Israeli independence
and, in effect, said that it was a mistake to ever create the State
of Israel. Mr. Clifford, of course, had been deeply involved in the
early US recognition of Israel.
I am reasonably sure that there was discussion of the
position we should take at the United Nations Security Council at that
meeting. I don't remember a great deal about the rest of the day, although
the log says that I was very active and I dare say I was. I don't remember
anything about the Cabinet Room meeting later in the day. /11/
/11/The President met in the Cabinet Room from 6:12
to 6:58 p.m. with Vice President Humphrey, Dean Acheson, McGeorge Bundy,
Clark Clifford, Secretaries McNamara and Rusk, Richard Helms, Walt Rostow,
and George Christian. Battle, who had been meeting with members of Congress
on Capitol Hill, joined them at 6:45 p.m. (Johnson Library, President's
Daily Diary) No other record of the meeting has been found.
Sometime during the day we began an organization of
Mac Bundy's role--I think it was the first day but I couldn't be confident.
As to the reason why the Bundy Committee/12/ was set up, I think that
the President wanted to make sure that his staff was fully capable of
handling two wars at one time. I think that was the basic problem. He
wanted a senior and respected man who knew how the White House, State
and Defense worked to operate full time on the Middle East affair. He
knew that with all the rest of the things going on in the world, including
the war in Vietnam, that I probably could not [handle both]. I fully
agreed, for what happens in a situation of war, even so minor a war
as the short India-Pak engagement, is that the whole network of international
ties which operate in this highly interconnected world get reshaped.
In this case we had the Arab states breaking relations with us; we had
AID relations falling in; we had Americans in danger in different places;
we had the whole UN exercise going on; we had oil and Suez and dealings
with the British and other interested parties; and it was just a hell-of-a-lot
of business of the most particular kind that had to be monitored.
Now the truth was, of course, that we had, I think,
two interdepartmental committees centered at State, one at the Under
Secretary level and one at the Assistant Secretary level. They were
working quite well. When Mac undertook his responsibility, he recognized
that we were pretty well staffed up and organized, as indeed we had
a duty to be since we had been wrestling with the Middle East crisis
short of war for some weeks. Nevertheless, I am sure the President's
instinctive judgment was correct that one full-time senior staff man
over here to manage this was the course of wisdom. In any case, it worked
awfully well. Hal Saunders was assigned to Mac. I was kept fully informed.
Mac operated with a great economy of effort, working well and collegially
with the interdepartmental committees at State which did the basic staff
work and he then handled its presentation to the President. For an improvised
effort providing for the bringing in of a new Senior man, I can't imagine
anything working more smoothly. I really didn't have any problems with
it. It was a great pleasure and it was good to have Mac with us again.
/12/The Special Committee of the National Security
Council, with McGeorge Bundy as Executive Secretary, was established
on June 7. Saunders, who served as Bundy's principal staff assistant,
wrote in a memorandum of July 16, 1968, that the first main job of the
Committee was to provide high-level crisis management during the war
and immediately afterward and that the Committee's second achievement,
although not envisioned at the time of its creation, was to play a leadership
role in establishing the postwar U.S. position. (Ibid., National Security
File, Special Committee of the National Security Council, Introduction
to the Files of the Special Committee of the National Security Council)
I regret that in that fast-moving day that I don't
remember more. It was a day of action and I note that I sent the President
at the end of the day a summary based on an Israel Defense Ministry
assessment of Arab losses in Mid-East air battles--that was at 9:05./13/
I seem to remember (I would have to check it in my own telephone log)
that sometime during the end of the day I called Eppie Evron [Israeli
Minister] with whom I had been in close touch on the various matters--a
man of diplomatic integrity with whom I had been able to talk most frankly
about Middle East problems. I spoke to him and in line with previous
conversations told him that, if I were an Israeli official, I would
begin to think about peace in the Middle East and about the settlement
of the refugee problem and other fundamental problems. To this day,
Eppie has always resented it a little in an amiable way that I did not
tell him that we had solid information that the Israeli air operations
had been successful. He had had a hard lonely weary day about how the
war was going and he's always teased me a little that I could have saved
him some hours of anxiety if I had shared our intelligence with him.
/13/Rostow forwarded press reports and a map with a
covering memorandum that reads: "Mr. President: Herewith the account,
with a map, of the first day's turkey shoot." (Ibid., National
Security File, NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. 3)
I don't know when I knocked off in the evening, but
it was a tolerably long and memorable day of which I now realize how
little one actually remembers.
Harold H. Saunders
150. Editorial Note
At 5:09 a.m. on June 5, 1967, Secretary of State Dean
Rusk telephoned President Johnson. He read a draft message to Soviet
Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko, saying that he thought it was better
to send a message of this sort without waiting until the question of
responsibility for the war was clarified. The President agreed. (See
Document 157.) Johnson asked Rusk whether it seemed to him "reasonably
sure that these tanks kicked it?" A reference to an Israeli report
indicates that a UAR armored force had initiated the fighting. Noting
that the fighting occurred initially over Egypt, Rusk said it was "a
little hard to sort out", but they had intelligence that five Egyptian
airfields in the Sinai were not operational. He added that he would
put more weight on the Israeli claim that there had been a large number
of Egyptian aircraft headed for Israel from the sea, but he thought
it was too early to say. He continued, "My instincts tell me that
the Israelis probably kicked this off, but I just don't know yet. And
I don't think we ought to make a preliminary judgment on that because
it's just hard to say." Johnson asked if the Israelis were saying
the Egyptians "kicked it off." Rusk replied that each side
was claiming publicly that the other started it but that no direct message
had been received from Eshkol or Eban. He thought the Israeli claim
of a tank advance looked "just a little thin on the surface"
but he thought they would soon have more information. He stated that
the Department had asked U.S. representative on the NATO Council Harlan
Cleveland to keep a group of permanent members available for consultation,
and he noted that the Security Council would meet and would probably
call on both sides for an immediate cease-fire. He repeated, "My
guess is the Israelis kicked this off." He suggested that they
might want to arrange a meeting of the Congressional leadership to bring
them up to date on the situation. Johnson agreed, and the conversation
concluded. (Johnson Library, Recordings and Transcripts, Recording of
a telephone conversation between Johnson and Rusk, June 5, 1967, 5:09
a.m., Tape F67.11, Side B, PNO 1) According to the Johnson Library,
the dictabelt, with a June 7 note stating that it might have been made
the previous day, was found with post-Presidential material. The date
and time were taken from the President's Daily Diary. (Ibid.)
151. President's Daily Brief/1/
Washington, June 5, 1967.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. 6, Appendix A. Top Secret; [codeword
not declassified]. This information, which has been excerpted from a
Presidential Daily Brief ("PDB"), was improperly declassified
and released. The declassification and release of this information in
no way impacts or controls the declassification status of the remainder
of this PDB, other PDBs, or the PDB as a series.
Arab States-Israel
Hostilities began early this morning. Both sides report
heavy fighting in the air and between armored forces along the Israeli
border with Egypt. Israeli planes raided airfields in Cairo and other
areas beginning at about 8:00 AM local time (2:00 AM Washington time).
Cairo has just been informed that at least five of
its airfields in Sinai and the Canal area have suddenly become "unserviceable."
Israel's war plans had put high priority on quick action against the
Egyptian Air Force because of the threat to its own more vulnerable
airfields and vital centers.
Reports are still fragmentary, but the signs point
to this as an Israeli initiative. Over the weekend it became apparent
that Israeli leaders were becoming increasingly convinced that time
was running against them. The new Israeli cabinet was meeting late yesterday
with Ambassador Harmel present, and reconvened early today.
Cairo radio is calling on Egypt's Arab allies to attack
Israel. [2 lines of source text not declassified]
2. Libya
The big US Wheelus base is becoming more and more exposed
to nationalist pressures as the Arab war fever sweeps over this desert
kingdom. Cairo is going all out to intensify the pressures, and responsible
Libyans are worried; they see no way they can convincingly refute the
propaganda that the base is being used to support the Israelis.
The Libyan foreign minister has been in Cairo this
weekend, and Wheelus surely must have been discussed during his talks
with Nasir.
3. Soviet Union
[1 paragraph (7 lines of source text) not declassified]
[1 paragraph (5-1/2 lines of source text) not declassified]
[Omitted here is a section on an unrelated subject.]
LATE ITEMS
Libya
The US Embassy in Benghazi flashed word at 4:30 AM
EDT that it was being attacked by a large mob. It is burning its papers.
Syria
Damascus radio announces that Syrian planes are bombing
Israeli cities and that "we have joined the battle."
152. Editorial Note
At 6:15 a.m. on June 5, 1967, Walt Rostow telephoned
President Johnson and read to him a draft Presidential statement Rusk
sent to the White House, expressing distress at the outbreak of fighting
in the Middle East, noting that each side had accused the other of aggression,
stating that the facts were not clear, and calling on all parties to
support the UN Security Council in bringing about an immediate cease-fire.
Rostow said he had read the statement to McNamara, who approved. The
President agreed that the statement was all right. Rostow said that
the evidence on who had started the fighting was not definitive, but
that there was an interesting report from Cairo of indications of unusual
activities in the UAR forces before the first Israeli strike at 9 a.m.
Cairo time, including a report that a large number of pilots in uniform
had been seen at the Cairo airport at 4:30 a.m. Rostow commented that
this was "not much but it's something, the only evidence that this
is a UAR put-up job." He added that McNamara was inclined to feel
the same way because of the reports, and because he thought a UAR public
announcement of the plan to send UAR Vice President Mohieddin to visit
the United States would be a "good cover." Rostow reported
that Foreign Minister Eban said the Israelis had been attacked and he
then gave orders to counter-attack. Rostow said that according to Eban,
the Israelis were drafting a message to Johnson that would state Israel
had no intention of taking advantage of the situation to enlarge its
territory and hoped that peace could be restored within its present
boundaries and that the conflict could be localized; in this regard,
the message would ask U.S. help in restraining any Soviet initiative.
Rostow returned to the subject of the press statement.
The President told him to send it to George Christian, and he would
talk to Christian about when to release it. He suggested that McNamara
and Rusk go to Capitol Hill and brief the leadership there rather than
having them come to the White House. He also suggested "we might
ask some of our good friends that might be helpful to come in from the
outside and give us some help here." He told Rostow he thought
that "just for public appearance's sake" they should ask former
Secretary of State Dean Acheson. He wanted Rostow to ask Rusk and McNamara
what they thought of this idea "just on your own without [it] coming
from me." In addition to Acheson, Johnson suggested asking former
Under Secretary of State George Ball, Chairman of the President's Foreign
Intelligence Advisory Board Clark Clifford, and former Assistant to
the President for National Security Affairs McGeorge Bundy. He definitely
wanted Bundy to come. He wanted Rostow to call Bundy and tell him the
President would like to talk to him about this and other matters and
"I wish he'd come down here and be prepared to stay as long as
he can." (Johnson Library, Recordings and Transcripts, Recording
of a telephone conversation between Johnson and Rusk, June 5, 1967,
5:09 a.m. Tape F67.11, Side B, PNO 1) This conversation was on the dictabelt
with the earlier Rusk conversation. (See Document 150.) The date and
time were taken from the President's Daily Diary.
The press statement, with minor changes and an additional
paragraph stating that the President would meet with Rusk, McNamara,
Walt Rostow, and George Christian at 8:30 a.m. and that Rusk and McNamara
would brief Senate and House leaders, was issued by Christian shortly
after 7 a.m. For text, see Department of State Bulletin, June 26, 1967,
page 949. The report from Cairo to which Rostow referred was transmitted
in telegram 8504 from Cairo, June 5. (National Archives and Records
Administration, RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR) The report
of Ambassador Barbour's conversation with Eban is in telegram 3928 from
Tel Aviv, June 5; ibid.
153. Telegram From the Department
of State to the Embassy in Jordan/1/
Washington, June 5, 1967, 6:22 a.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL ARAB-ISR. Confidential; Flash. Drafted
by Atherton and approved by Davies. Repeated Flash to USUN, and to Rabat,
Tunis, London, Moscow, Cairo, Paris, Algiers, Beirut, Damascus, Tripoli,
Tel Aviv, Khartoum, Baghdad, Kuwait, Jidda, Jerusalem, CINCSTRIKE, CINCEUR,
and COMSIXTHFLT.
208031. Ref: Amman 4055./2/
/2/Telegram 4055 from Amman, June 5, reported that
King Hussein had called all chiefs of mission to meet with him at 0730Z.
He told them, "In view of the Israeli aggression against the UAR,
Jordan is now at war. Our forces have been put under UAR command."
He stated that within the last hour, Jordanian radar had picked up the
arrival of 16 aircraft at Israeli airfield Ramat David; 8 had taken
off from an aircraft carrier 20 miles west of Tel Aviv and 8 from an
aircraft carrier 80 miles west of Tel Aviv. He stated that the Jordanians
had not been able to identify the aircraft and did not know if they
had participated in the fighting. (Ibid.)
You may inform King Hussein there are no U.S. aircraft
carriers in or anywhere near area cited reftel and no U.S. aircraft
have entered area of present hostilities or any country involved therein./3/
/3/Telegram 050944Z from COMSIXTHFLT to Amman, June
5, stated that during the current Middle East situation, no Sixth Fleet
aircraft carriers had been closer than 400 miles to Israel and no aircraft
from Sixth Fleet carriers had flown closer than 300 miles to Israel
or Sinai. (Ibid.) Telegram 208038 to Amman, June 5, stated that further
checks had indicated no British or French carriers in the area cited
and suggested that Jordanian radar might have picked up returning Israeli
bombers. (Ibid.)
Rusk
154. Memorandum of Telephone Conversation
Between Secretary of State Rusk and the British Ambassador (Dean)/1/
Washington, June 5, 1967, 7:08 a.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Rusk Files: Lot 72 D 192. No classification marking. Transcribed
by Jane M. Rothe.
Telephone Call From British Ambassador Dean
D. has a message from George Brown asking what steps
Sec. proposes to take. Sec. said at that moment there will be a strenuous
effort in the Security Council--Sec. just had a message that a cease-fire
had been agreed to in Jerusalem for 12:00 noon. Sec. said this seems
to cancel out a lot of other things we have been working on. D. said
B. thought it was a good idea to have an appeal in the name of the SYG
to cease hostilities--Sec. said he thought an SC resolution on that
could be passed quite quickly. Sec. said we have been in touch with
Moscow telling them we were astonished--we thought we had commitments
on both sides not to start anything and that we all should get behind
the Security Council about a cease-fire. We have no idea who started
it--this is still murky and we cannot yet make a judgment.
Sec. called D. back as soon as he hung up. Sec. said
he wanted to be sure that George Brown understands we had no inkling
of this from either side and that there is nothing behind the scenes
that he doesn't know about.
155. Editorial Note
At 7:57 a.m. on June 5, 1967, Secretary of Defense
Robert McNamara telephoned President Johnson. He said:
"Mr. President, the Moscow hot line is operating
and allegedly Kosygin is at the other end and wants to know if you are
in the room in which the receiving apparatus is located. Now, we have
a receiving station over here in the Pentagon and you also have a hook-up
over in the Situation Room in the White House. My inclination is to
say that you--to reply that you can be in the room if he wishes you
there within a few minutes. Here is what has come in:
Dear Mr. President, having received information concerning
military action between Israel and UAR, the Soviet Government is convinced
the responsibility of all the great powers is to attempt to end the
military conflict immediately.' Then the question, 'Are you in the room?'"
Johnson said he could be there in 10 minutes. Then
he asked McNamara, "And what, what do you think they'll want to
do then?" McNamara paused, then replied, "I don't know. I
don't know. I, from this, I think they would want you to indicate that
you agree the responsibility of all the great powers is--" Johnson
broke in, "We've done that in our message to them, haven't we?"
He was referring to Rusk's message to Gromyko (see Document 157), which
McNamara had not seen. Johnson then asked about procedures. They agreed
that McNamara and Rusk would be at the White House in 20 minutes. (Johnson
Library, Recordings and Transcripts, Recording of a telephone conversation
between Johnson and McNamara, Tape F67.11, Side B, PNO 3) This conversation
was on the dictabelt with the earlier Rusk and Rostow conversations;
see Documents 150 and 152. The date and time were taken from the President's
Daily Diary. (Johnson Library)
The message (Document 156) was the first substantive
message sent on the "hot line," established August 30, 1963,
to provide a channel for rapid communication between U.S. and Soviet
leaders. Between June 5 and June 10, there were a total of 20 hot line
messages. The messages were filed in a notebook kept in the President's
desk. (Johnson Library, National Security File, Head of State Correspondence,
USSR, Washington-Moscow "Hot Line" Exchange, 6/5-10/67; copies
are ibid., NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. 7, Appendix G)
None of the outgoing messages include drafting information,
and no records were made of the meetings at which they were drafted.
According to a memorandum of conversation between McGeorge Bundy and
Nathaniel Davis on November 7, 1968, recording Bundy's recollections
of the meetings, they were "pretty frenetic, with drafts, redrafts,
and more redrafts." Bundy said the President watched the drafts
with great care, and Rusk did a great deal of the drafting, especially
of the earlier messages. He said there were "no real debates in
the hot line meetings in the sense of choosing up sides with one group
in favor of this language and another group in favor of that."
(Ibid., NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, 1967, Vol. 7, Appendix G)
Some drafts of outgoing messages and variant translations of incoming
messages are ibid., Rostow Files, President-Kosygin Correspondence.
156. Message From Premier Kosygin
to President Johnson/1/
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Head of State Correspondence, USSR, Washington-Moscow "Hot-Line"
Exchange, 6/5-10/67. No classification marking. The message is labeled
"Translation," with a typed notation that a sight translation
was made at 8:05 a.m.; the message was received by the President at
8:15 a.m.; a rough translation was made at 8:30 a.m.; and a final, official
translation was provided at 10:08 a.m. There is no indication of the
transmission time or time of receipt, but a typed notation on a copy
of the message in Russian states that it was transmitted by Soviet Molink
at 7:47 a.m. and received by U.S. Molink at 7:59 a.m. According to an
English translation attached to the Russian copy of the message, the
complete message begins: "The Chairman of the Council of Ministers,
Kosygin, wishes to know whether President Johnson is standing by the
machine. I would like to convey to President Johnson the following information."
(Ibid.)
Moscow, June 5, 1967, 7:47 a.m.
Dear Mr. President,
Having received information concerning the military
clashes between Israel and the United Arab Republic, the Soviet Government
is convinced that the duty of all great powers is to secure the immediate
cessation of the military conflict.
The Soviet Government has acted and will act in this
direction. We hope that the Government of the United States will also
act in the same manner and will exert appropriate influence on the Government
of Israel particularly since you have all opportunities of doing so.
This is required in the highest interest of peace.
Respectfully,
A. Kosygin
157. Message From the White House
to Premier Kosygin/1/
Washington, June 5, 1967, 8:15 a.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Head of State Correspondence, USSR, Washington-Moscow "Hot-Line"
Exchange, 6/5-10/67. Secret. A typed notation on the source text states
it was transmitted by U.S. Molink at 8:15 a.m., and received by Soviet
Molink at 8:33 a.m. It is addressed "To Chairman Kosygin, From
The White House." A copy addressed "To Comrade Kosygin, Chairman
Council of Ministers, USSR, From President of the United States, Lyndon
B. Johnson" is ibid., Rostow Files, President-Kosygin Correspondence.
According to Llewellyn E. Thompson, the U.S. telegraph operators apparently
had asked the Moscow operators the proper way to address Kosygin and
were told, "Comrade Kosygin." Ambassador Dobrynin, who had
been at the Moscow end of the line, told Thompson afterward that he
had been quite startled, and that the Russians wondered if the President
was making a joke, or making fun of them in some way. Dobrynin, however,
told Thompson he guessed what had happened. (Memorandum of conversation
between Thompson and Nathaniel Davis; ibid., NSC Histories, Middle East
Crisis, Vol. 7, Appendix G)
Dear Mr. Kosygin,
Preliminary to President's arrival we are repeating
message dispatched earlier from Secretary Rusk for delivery to Foreign
Minister Gromyko./2/
/2/The message was sent in telegram 208030 to Moscow,
June 5 at 5:25 a.m. (National Archives and Records Administration, RG
59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR) Chargé John C. Guthrie
reported in telegram 5349 from Moscow, received at 9:34 a.m. and passed
to the White House at 9:55 a.m., that he had delivered the message to
Gromyko, who said the Soviet Government was convinced that the great
powers should do everything to end the fighting, expressed certainty
that the United States could exert influence on Israel, and stated that
the Soviet Union had done and would do everything possible to facilitate
the end of the fighting. (Ibid.)
"We are astonished and dismayed by preliminary
reports of heavy fighting between Israeli and Egyptian forces. As you
know, we have been making the maximum effort to prevent this situation.
We were expecting a very high level Egyptian Delegation on Wednesday
and we had assurances from the Israelis that they would not initiate
hostilities pending further diplomatic efforts. We feel it is very important
that the United Nations Security Council succeed in bringing this fighting
to an end as quickly as possible and are ready to cooperate with all
members of the Council to that end."
158. Telegram From the Embassy in
Israel to the Department of State/1/
Tel Aviv, June 5, 1967, 1205Z.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Secret; Flash; Nodis.
Received at 8:44 a.m. Walt Rostow sent a copy to the President at 10:40
a.m. with a brief memorandum stating that Eshkol "builds his case
mainly on the general environment, but refers to bombardment of three
Israel towns as the trigger." (Johnson Library, National Security
File, NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. III) At 11:10 a.m. Rostow
sent Johnson telegram 3937 from Tel Aviv, June 5, that reported a meeting
among General Amit, Barbour, and Special Counsel to the President Harry
C. McPherson, Jr. Rostow's brief covering memorandum commented that
Amit's argument was consistent with Eshkol's: that there had been artillery
fire on three Israeli villages and UAR air incursions, and then the
Israelis had "punched all the buttons." Rostow added, "At
least that's his story." (Ibid.) For McPherson's report of his
visit to Israel, see Document 263.
3935. 1. Following message from Prime Minister to the
President has just been handed to me for delivery:
"Dear Mr. President: After weeks in which our
peril has grown day by day, we are now engaged in repelling the aggression
which Nasser has been building up against us. Israel's existence and
integrity have been endangered. The provocative troop concentrations
in Sinai, now amounting to five infantry and two armored divisions:
the placing of more that 900 tanks against our southern frontier; the
massing of 400 tanks opposite Elath with the object of sundering the
southern Negev from Israel; the illegal blockade in the Straits of Tiran;
the insolent defiance of the international and maritime community; the
policy of strangling encirclement of which the first stage was the intimidation
of Jordan and the most recent--the placing there of Iraqi troops and
Egyptian commando regiments, the imminent introduction of MIG 21 aircraft
under Iraqi command in Mafraq; Nasser's announcement of 'total war against
Israel' and of his basic aim to annihilate Israel; the order of the
day by the Egyptian Commander General Murtagi calling on his troops
in Sinai to wage a war of destruction against Israel; the acts of sabotage
and terrorism from Syria and Gaza; the recent air encroachments culminating
in this morning's engagements and the bombardment by Egypt of Kisufim,
Nahal Oz and Tsur Maon in Israel territory--all of this amounts to an
extraordinary catalogue of aggression, abhorred and condemned by world
opinion and in your great country and amongst all peace loving nations.
As you know, Mr. President, nothing effective had been
done or attempted by the UN against a ruthless design to destroy the
state of Israel which embodies the memories, sacrifices and hopes of
an ancient people, which in this generation lost 6 million of its people
brutally murdered in a tragedy without parallel in history.
Mr. President, I am grateful for the friendship expressed
in your letters; for your appreciation of our steadfastness and calm;
for your policy of protecting the territorial integrity of Israel and
other nations; for your undertaking to provide effective American support
to preserve the peace and freedom of Israel and the Middle East; and
for your undertaking to pursue vigorous measures to keep the Straits
of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba open as an international waterway to
ships of all nations.
These are impressive commitments. Your letter mentions
the obstacles which have so far made action difficult. We rely on the
courage and determination of our soldiers and citizens. Indeed maximum
self-reliance is the central aim of our national revival. My information
is that our defense is reaping success. But our trials are not over
and we are confident that our small nation can count on the fealty and
resolution of its greatest friend.
We seek nothing but peaceful life within our territory,
and the exercise of our legitimate maritime rights.
I hope that everything will be done by the United States
to prevent the Soviet Union from exploiting and enlarging the conflict.
The hour of danger can also be an hour of opportunity. It is possible
to create conditions favorable to the promotion of peace and the strengthening
of forces of freedom in the area.
At this critical moment I should welcome the closest
consultation between our governments at all levels.
Israel appeals, Mr. President, to your friendship,
your fidelity and your leadership."
Barbour
159. Message From President Johnson
to Premier Kosygin/1/
Washington, June 5, 1967, 8:57 a.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Head of State Correspondence, USSR, Washington-Moscow "Hot-Line"
Exchange, 6/5-10/67. Secret. A typed notation on the source text indicates
it was approved by the President at 8:47 a.m., transmitted by U.S. Molink
at 8:57 a.m., and received by Soviet Molink at 8:59 a.m. The message
is addressed "To Chairman Kosygin. From President Lyndon B. Johnson."
A copy is addressed "Personal from the President to Chairman Kosygin."
(Ibid., Rostow Files, President-Kosygin Correspondence) President Johnson
met with Rusk, McNamara, Walt Rostow, and George Christian from 8:17
to 9:25 a.m. in the White House Situation Room. (Ibid., President's
Daily Diary) There is no record of the meeting. A draft in Rusk's handwriting
with Rostow's handwritten revisions is ibid., National Security File,
Rostow Files, President-Kosygin Correspondence.
Dear Mr. Kosygin:
I welcome your message. We feel that it is the duty
of all great states to secure a speedy end to the military conflict,
as indicated in Secretary Rusk's earlier message to Foreign Minister
Gromyko this morning. We are strongly supporting action to this end
in the United Nations Security Council which meets within the hour and
trust you will do the same. I have already made a personal appeal to
all the governments in the area concerned and you may be assured we
will exercise all our influence to bring hostilities to an end. We are
pleased to learn from your message that you are doing the same.
Respectfully,
Lyndon B. Johnson
160. Telegram From the Department
of State to the Embassy in Jordan/1/
Washington, June 5, 1967, 9:49 a.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL ARAB-ISR. Secret; Flash; Nodis. Drafted
and approved by Eugene Rostow and cleared by Battle. Repeated Flash
to Tel Aviv and Priority to London, Rome, Brussels, Paris, and The Hague.
208049. Israeli Representative here asks us to convey
earnest desire of his government not do any harm to Jordan. They hope
that hostilities between the two countries can be avoided or kept to
a minimum./2/
/2/Telegram 523 from USUN, June 5, reported that UN
Under Secretary Ralph J. Bunche had informed Goldberg of a report by
UNTSO Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Odd Bull that he had conveyed
an Israeli message to King Hussein that no action would be taken against
Jordan unless Jordan started it, in which case Israel would hit back
hard. (Ibid., Office of the Executive Secretariat, Middle East Crisis
Files, 1967, Entry 5190, Arab-Israeli Crisis, Box 6, Chron, USUN) Telegram
1106 from Amman, August 26, reports that King Hussein told Burns he
received two messages from the Israelis on June 5, the first through
General Bull that morning, after the Jordanian Air Force had already
taken off against Israel, and the second through the U.S. Embassy that
evening. (Ibid., RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 15-1 JORDAN)
Rusk
161. Telegram From the Department
of State to the Embassy in Israel/1/
Washington, June 5, 1967, 5:07 p.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Secret; Immediate; Exdis.
Drafted by Wolle, cleared by Davies and Grey, and approved by Eugene
Rostow. Repeated Priority to Amman, Beirut, Cairo, Damascus, London,
Paris, Moscow, USUN, Khartoum, Baghdad, Jidda, Kuwait, Algiers, Tunis,
Rabat, and Tripoli.
208222. 1. Under Secretary Rostow called in Israeli
Chargé Evron morning June 5. Told him we had had urgent and quite
constructive exchanges with Soviets in recent hours. Soviets, while
casting no blame on Israel, had urged USG use strongest good offices
with Israel to achieve cease-fire. Soviets said they would move in same
direction. We told Soviets we knew nothing in advance of hostilities
that have broken out, that we would move rapidly as possible to urge
cease-fire on all parties in interest of restoring peace. Evron asked
if Soviets in these exchanges had commented on their position re Strait
of Tiran. Rostow replied they had not.
2. Rostow asked Evron cable GOI soonest urging rapid
cease-fire. Evron undertook do so.
3. Queried how hostilities originated, Evron said he
had seen Israeli military statements, report of Eban-Barbour conversation,
and statement by MinDef Dayan saying UAR armor had moved to cut off
southern Negev. He understood radios Damascus and Amman claiming everything
is finished and Haifa in flames. Over past 2 or 3 days he had seen Israeli
military reports showing further buildup UAR armor in central part of
southern border. "That is how it started" said Evron.
4. Rostow noted that Eban told Barbour GOI has no intention
taking advantage of situation to enlarge Israeli borders. Evron commented
there is no question of this and commented there had been no desire
by GOI to change territorial status Sharm el-Sheikh area, where sole
issue is free passage.
5. Rostow said would appreciate Evron informing him
in greatest possible detail how events of morning had started. USG had
great interest in this aspect. Evron undertook do so. He said Israel
in position tell how it started because it had received first blow.
6. Evron said DG Israeli Foreign Ministry called in
Soviet Ambassador June 5 to tell him what happened. Ambassador took
usual line but meeting had not been stormy.
7. Evron said Ambassador Harman due back in Washington
afternoon June 5.
Rusk
162. Circular Telegram From the Department
of State to All Posts/1/
Washington, June 5, 1967, 4:35 p.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Confidential; Immediate.
Drafted by Bergus, cleared by Battle and Assistant Secretary of State
for African Affairs Joseph Palmer II, and approved by Eugene Rostow.
208191. 1. Undersecretary Rostow asked Chiefs of Mission
of following Arab states call at 10:30 a.m. today: UAR, Syria, Lebanon,
Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Libya, Tunisia, Morocco,
Algeria, Yemen.
2 Rostow noted that this was a deplorable occasion.
Stated he wished inform Ambassadors of USG position toward events which
we regretted. The outbreak of hostilities represented the failure of
diplomacy. USG had been active with all governments directly concerned,
especially the UAR and Israel, using all of our influence to promote
restraint and to prevent the firing of first shot. We had looked forward
to visit of Vice Pres Mohieddin to Washington. We regret that he has
now asked to postpone this visit but are gratified that he has not cancelled
it. We welcome him at anytime.
3. Rostow then read full text President's June 5 statement
re Middle East crisis./2/ Rostow continued that this morning a resolution
would be presented in the Security Council/3/ containing these three
elements: 1) call upon on governments for cease-fire; 2) call upon all
governments to cooperate with United Nations; and 3) request UNSYG to
keep Council promptly and fully informed.
/2/See Document 152.
/3/The UN Security Council met in emergency session
on the morning of June 5, but no resolution was introduced.
4. Rostow also asked that all Arab governments give
full protection to US diplomatic establishments and citizens in their
countries. We had received disturbing reports from some cities of riots.
We hoped that all governments would take adequate and effective measures
protect American lives and property.
5. UAR Ambassador Kamel, as dean of diplomatic representatives
present, responded by agreeing that this was a deplorable and sad situation.
Kamel then read from message from UAR Foreign Office accusing Israel
of having fired first shot and trying deceive world opinion. Kamel continued
that Israel attacks on third country shipping in Suez Canal indicated
Israel's desire drag third parties into conflict. Kamel said that Arabs
had stated they would not start hostilities. Arabs had kept their word.
Arabs had also felt that whatever differences had existed, normal channel
for their solution was U.N.; hence they had participated in the Security
Council's deliberations. Arabs felt that Israelis starting hostilities
while matter was before Security Council was dangerous action because
it was an affront to the United Nations Charter. Kamel noted Arabs had
appealed to USG time after time to use its influence to restrain Israel.
Israel had now begun shooting. The Arabs would defend themselves. Kamel
said the Israelis have proved they did not respect the UN Charter or
the effort of the Security Council and had destroyed diplomatic efforts
that USG and Arabs were making. Kamel asked rhetorically whether USG
believed that imminent arrival UAR Vice Pres was a sign of hostility
or a signal that UAR wished intensify diplomatic efforts.
6. Kamel also upbraided leading US newspapers as well
as Senators and Congressmen for their constant repetition of theme that
"time was working against Israel." Such behavior could only
be interpreted as either encouragement or endorsement of Israeli attack.
7. Kamel referred to visits to US of Lebanese and Iraqi
FonMins and visit of UNSYG to Cairo. There had been no time to reap
the fruit of any of these efforts.
8. Kamel stated Arab diplomats were unable to respond
to USG appeal for cease-fire as they un-instructed. However, Arabs had
been attacked and they were defending themselves.
9. As to protection of US citizens and property in
Arab countries, Kamel said Arab governments would do their utmost to
respect and protect Americans, not only because of requirements of international
law but because the Arabs are a hospitable and dignified race. He admitted
that some mistakes could take place but all ambassadors present would
immediately appeal to their governments to redouble their efforts.
10. In response Rostow said that we had tried over
last weeks to put train back on track. Arab states knew USG's good intentions.
US
wanted to be friends to all the people in the Near
East and this would remain our desire. We supported the territorial
integrity and political independence of all the states in the area.
This policy had redounded to benefit Egypt in 1956 and Lebanon in 1958.
Thus we pursued an even-handed doctrine.
11. Mr. Rostow stated he had heard with interest UAR
Ambassador's charge that Israel had begun hostilities and we would like
to study any documentation on this point which Arab states may wish
to bring to our attention. This was an important, if not decisive, subject
in the context of the rule of law and supremacy of the United Nations.
The most important thing before us now was a cease-fire. As President
Johnson had said, we wished to see "end to fighting and a new beginning
of programs for peace and development of the area." We were aware
of difficulties such problems as Aqaba. The best of lawyers could disagree
on such problems. Our efforts to resolve these problems by peaceful
means had failed but they must and would be resumed.
12. Kamel warned that Israel was doing its utmost to
bring US in on its side. He urged US not to become a third party. All
Arabs would be watching US action, direct and indirect, open or behind
scenes in this regard. Kamel stated other "friendly powers"
would also be watching,
13. Rostow stated that we had pursued even-handed policy
in dispute based on two main elements: 1) the international character
of the Gulf of Aqaba and 2) our opposition to aggression. USG was not
involved in deplorable events but had only tried to prevent them.
14. Kamel urged, view postponement Mohieddin visit,
that President Johnson receive Arab ambassadors to clarify USG policy
for them.
15. Kuwaiti Ambassador Al-Ghoussein raised Palestine
problem. Said he hoped USG would give this serious thought in hope that
permanent solution might now be achieved. Rostow replied that more permanent
and lasting solution was desire of all of us.
Rusk
163. Memorandum Prepared by the Assistant
Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs (Battle)/1/
Washington, June 5, 1967.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Office of the Executive Secretariat, Middle East Crisis Files,
1967, Entry 5190, Box 16, State Memos. Secret. Rusk's initials appear
on the memorandum indicating that he read it. Marginal notations indicate
the persons to whom action on the various items was assigned. The meeting
was held in the Cabinet Room from 11:36 a.m. to 12:45 p.m. Those present
were the President, Acheson, Battle, Rusk, Thompson, Bundy, Clifford,
McNamara, Walt Rostow, and George Christian. (Johnson Library, President's
Daily Diary) No other record of the meeting has been found. Bundy recalled
later that the meeting was "mainly concerned with the awful shape
we would be in if the Israelis were losing. We didn't really know anything
about the situation on the ground. When, in the course of that day,
it became apparent that the Israeli Air Force had won, the entire atmosphere
of the problem changed. It was in a way reassuring when it became clear
that the fighting was the Israelis' idea and that the idea was working.
That was a lot better than if it had been the other way around."
(Memorandum of conversation, November 7, 1968; cited in Document 155.)
See also Document 149.
ACTION ITEMS RESULTING FROM MEETING AT WHITE HOUSE JUNE
5, 1967
At the meeting with the President this morning, he
expressed the desire for the following steps to be taken:
1. He wishes to have an assessment of various Embassies
in key countries with respect to the current positions of governments
to which they are accredited concerning the current Middle East crisis.
He would like to know the best estimate of the likely position these
countries will take on, among other things, the Maritime Declaration
if we decide to move forward with it.
2. He would like to be sure that USIA is given guidance
on the proper handling of its output and that we be looking carefully
at the matter of what we say to the press at this point. He does not
believe there should be anything more than his statement on the record
but endorsed the idea of Secretary Rusk having a backgrounder the latter
part of this afternoon. He wanted to be sure that news programs in the
States were monitored carefully and that we tried to correct misstatements
contained within them. He mentioned particularly the tendency to link
Vietnam to the Middle East crisis implying in various ways that we had
to choose between these two problems and would have to limit our activity
in one place or the other to meet the needs of both.
3. He wishes to see us endorse what I am told is a
call by the Pope to make Jerusalem an open city.
4. The President wants to be sure we have looked into
the oil problems related to the Middle East. It was agreed that we need
a "Mr. Oil" in the U.S. Government. The fact that Mr. Walter
Levy has been available to us is known and appreciated, but the consensus
of the meeting appeared to be that "Mr. Oil" should come from
within and should be available full time and indefinitely.
5. We must look into the question of what we do if
the Israelis ask us for spare parts or resupply of arms during coming
days./2/
/2/A June 5 memorandum from Walt Rostow to the President
states that the point he had wished to make that morning was: "if
we are pressed by Israel for spare parts, etc., we should go hard to
the Russians on their equivalent supply to the Arabs." (Johnson
Library, National Security File, NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis,
Vol. III)
I suggest that S/S assign action responsibility for
the various items listed above. Perhaps the Secretary would like to
see a copy of this list of action items, and he should be reminded that
he has agreed to have some kind of backgrounder this afternoon.
At the conclusion of the meeting, the possibility of
a further meeting tonight was mentioned although neither time nor the
list of those to attend was decided upon.
RRD
164. Editorial Note
At the Department of State press briefing at noon on
June 5, 1967, a reporter asked Department spokesman Robert J. McCloskey
if he would reaffirm that the U.S. position was neutral. McCloskey replied:
"Indeed, I would: I would be more than happy to. We have tried
to steer an even-handed course through this. Our position is neutral
in thought, word, and deed." The reporter asked, "Do you feel
we can continue to maintain a neutral position, no matter what happens
in the Middle East?" McCloskey replied, "That will be our
effort." (Memorandum from Joseph Califano to the President, June
5; Johnson Library, Appointment File, June 1967, Middle East Crisis)
Special Assistant to the President Joseph Califano
called Secretary Rusk at 4:25 p.m. to tell him McCloskey's statement
was "killing us with the Jews in this country" and to ask
if Rusk could "swamp McCloskey with a statement of his own."
Rusk replied that he might be able to say something at his background
press briefing at 5 p.m., but that what was meant was that the United
States was not a belligerent and its citizens in the area were entitled
to the privileges and immunities of citizens of a neutral country. It
did not mean the United States did not have a deep concern for the situation
and was not working hard in the Security Council to find solutions.
(Notes of telephone call from Califano, June 5; National Archives and
Records Administration, RG 59, Rusk Files: Lot 72 D 192, Telephone Calls)
Attorney General Ramsey Clark and Califano called Rusk at 4:45 p.m.
to discuss the matter further. Clark expressed concern that the Neutrality
Act might compel the President to issue a neutrality proclamation, which
would be "unthinkable." They agreed that Rusk should emphasize
that the thrust of U.S. policy was to restore peace in the area and
to bring about a cease-fire. (Notes of telephone call from Clark and
Califano, June 5; ibid.; Memorandum from Califano to the President,
cited above) In a statement released to the press later that day, Rusk
referred to President Johnson's May 23 statement reaffirming the U.S.
commitment to the support of the independence and territorial integrity
of all the nations of the Near East. He stated that the United States
was not a belligerent in the current fighting but that this did not
mean indifference; the United States was making a maximum effort in
the Security Council to bring about a cease-fire. In response to a question,
he stated that the U.S. Government had not made any determination as
to who had initiated the violence. (Department of State Bulletin, June
26, 1967, pages 949-950)
165. Minutes of the Tenth Meeting
of the Middle East Control Group/1/
Washington, June 5, 1967, 5 p.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Office of the Executive Secretariat, Middle East Crisis Files,
1967, Entry 5190, Box 17, Minutes/Decisions of the Control Group, Folder
1. Secret; Nodis. No drafter nor participants are listed in the minutes.
A memorandum of the meeting by Hoopes is in Washington National Records
Center, RG 330, ISA Files: FRC 76-140, A/I/S, 2-12-6, 1967 Crisis Special
File.
Decisions
I. Policy on Arms Shipments and Economic Aid
It was agreed:
1. Arms Shipments
a. The subject of arms shipments should be kept under
constant review by the Control Group.
b. For the time-being, end items which have left the
depots should be permitted to proceed.
c. The possible supply of A4Es and a Hawk battery to
Israel will remain under review.
d. Press guidance should be formulated indicating that
(1) arms shipments are being carefully reviewed and (2) end items which
have left the depots are being permitted to proceed./2/
/2/At its June 6 meeting, the Control Group adopted
the following guidelines for arms shipments to Near East countries with
which the United States had diplomatic relations: arms shipments under
government-to-government agreements, grant or sale, that had left the
depots would not be impeded; existing Munitions Control licenses would
be reviewed; all new government-to-government requests and all new requests
to Munitions Control would be subject to careful review; and the Israeli
request for 143 used half-track personnel carriers, 25 A4Es, and a Hawk
battery would remain under review. No new licenses were to be issued
and shipments under approved licenses were to be blocked to countries
that had broken relations with the United States. (Minutes of eleventh
Control Group meeting; National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Office of the Executive Secretariat, Middle East Crisis Files,
1967, Entry 5190, Box 17, Minutes/Decisions of the Control Group, Folder
1)
2. Arms Negotiations
a. Negotiations of arms agreements with Morocco, Libya,
Saudi Arabia and Iran should be delayed for at least the next 48 hours.
b. Henry Kuss would be instructed not to sign new agreements
with NE countries without specific authorization.
3. Food Assistance
a. PL-480 food shipments should not be halted.
b. Practical delivery problems to the immediate area
of the conflict will probably foreclose shipments until peace is restored.
4. Economic Aid
a . Shipments of end items for on-going projects should
continue.
b. No new project agreements should be concluded until
the legal ramifications of the conflict are clarified and a policy decision
to proceed has been made. Instructions to this effect should be sent
to pertinent posts.
II. Instructions to US Carriers
It was agreed:
1. The question of issuing instructions to US carriers
operating into the Near East is to be carefully staffed-out and a report
submitted to the Control Group.
2. The FAA should be requested to permit the five chartered
Flying Tiger flights to proceed with military end items for Israel.
In view of the dangers to direct flights into Israel, the material should
be off-loaded at an agreed trans-shipment point; such as Rome.
III. Evacuation Plans
It was agreed:
1. Existing instructions to posts should be carefully
reviewed and up-dated as necessary.
2. The Task Force should review the evacuation problem
in each Near East Country and submit specific recommendations to the
Control Group in respect to each.
IV. UN Situation and Outlook
Having received a report on the situation and outlook
in the UN,
It was agreed:
The Task Force should submit tomorrow preliminary proposals
for a ceasefire and peace settlement. The assistance of Julius Holmes
should be sought.
V. Maritime Declaration
It was agreed:
1. Consultations should continue with appropriate governments
about the problem addressed by the Maritime Declaration.
2. A current assessment of the number of governments
prepared to endorse a Maritime Declaration under the changed conditions
which now prevail should be submitted to the Control Group./3/
/3/At its June 6 meeting the Control Group decided
to suspend operations pertaining to the Maritime Declaration. (Ibid.)
VI. Evacuation of UNEF and UNRWA from Gaza
While noting the request of the Brazilian Embassy for
assistance in evacuating the Brazilian UNEF contingent, it was agreed
that the responsibility for this unit rests with the UN. The matter
is to be referred to the Secretary General by IO.
VII. Miscellaneous
It was agreed:
1. The Task Force assisted by CIA should submit to
the Control Group an assessment of Israeli military and political objectives,
noting that they may be extensive.
2. An assessment of the Wheelus Field situation is
to be prepared by lSA and submitted to the Control Group.
VIII. Contingency Planning for Viet-Nam Fuel Requirements
Mr. Vance informed the Control Group that contingency
contacts for fuel supplies for Viet-Nam will be signed in a few days.
In view of the difficulty in obtaining storage facilities in Taiwan
and Japan, additional tankers will have to be reserved under charter.
166. Memorandum From the President's
Special Assistant (Rostow) to President Johnson/1/
Washington, June 5, 1967, 5:45 p.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Country File, Middle East Crisis, Vol. III. Secret. A handwritten notation
on the memorandum indicates it was received at 5:50 p.m.; a handwritten
"L" indicates it was seen by the President.
Mr. President:
Our first thought is that the key to ending the war
is how well the Israelis do-or don't do-on the ground. Up to a point
this is correct; but it is not wholly correct because what the Israelis
are after is not some abstract military victory, but a settlement which,
if possible, insures that this will not happen again in another 10 years.
Therefore, our behind-the-scenes work with the Russians and others should
consist not merely in negotiating a cease-fire; because a cease-fire
will not answer the fundamental questions in the minds of the Israelis
until they have acquired so much real estate and destroyed so many Egyptian
planes and tanks that they are absolutely sure of their bargaining position.
Therefore, we should begin in New York or elsewhere,
talking with the Russians and, if possible, with the Egyptians and others
about the terms of a settlement:
--Eilat open to oil;
--observers on both sides of the line;
--a Soviet commitment to work with us to damp down the arms race;
--a turn in the road on refugees;
--a Middle East development bank that would bring the Iranians and Turks
into the diplomacy of the area; etc.
So long as the war is roughly moving in Israeli's favor,
I believe we can shorten it by getting at the substance of a settlement
at the earliest possible time.
Walt
167. Memorandum of Telephone Conversation
Between the Representative to the United Nations (Goldberg) and Secretary
of State Rusk/1/
June 5, 1967, 8 p.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Rusk Files: Lot 72 D 192, Telephone Calls. No classification
marking. The notes of the conversation were prepared in the Secretary's
office. Rusk was in Washington; Goldberg was in New York.
TELEPHONE CALL FROM AMB GOLDBERG
G said he had seen Fedorenko. (Sec said he would have
others with him listen.) G said they came close to our formulation.
G said they were meeting in 20 minutes. He read the draft resolution,
indicating the bracketed portions were what Goldberg would add:
"The Security Council, gravely concerned at the
outbreak of hostilities and with the menacing situation in the area,
having [considered the report]/2/ and heard the statement of the Secretary
General on the developments in the area (1) calls upon the governments
concerned to take the necessary measures for an immediate cease-fire
and prompt withdrawal, without prejudice to the respective rights, claims
or position of anyone, of their armed personnel behind the armistice
lines [and to take other appropriate measures to insure disengagement
of forces and to reduce tension in the area]; (2) requests the Secretary
General to keep the Council promptly and currently informed about the
situation."
/2/These and following brackets are in the source text.
G said he had told Fedorenko that if we were going
to have withdrawal, we should have it. Sec suggested saying "avoid
use of violence in the area." Sec asked what about unconditional
cease-fire? G thinks we could get "unconditional". He didn't
know how our Israeli friends would like that. Sec said we wanted to
be sure we had a case. G said we got "prompt withdrawal" not
"immediate withdrawal". The Israelis have a frigid attitude
toward any declaration supporting withdrawal. Sec asked about the Straits
problem and what the Egyptians could do. G said this doesn't decide
the Straits question; their prior formulations did. G said "prompt
withdrawal"* was a plus. Sec said there were 2,300 UNEF still on
the ground. G said he didn't know how much longer we could stand against
a unanimous resolution. He said Israelis were out to get Nasser. G said
he had been very frank. Sec said if Rafael/3/ got rough, let him know
the US has its own position and its own responsibilities and we didn't
know what was going to happen this morning. G said politically the price
for settlement was that the Gulf be opened. Sec said resolution wouldn't
settle the matter. It provides a base for a beginning. Sec said to see
what he could do along these lines.
/3/Israeli Representative at the United Nations Gideon
Rafael. For his recollections of these events, see Destination Peace:
Three Decades of Israeli Foreign Policy: A Personal Memoir (New York:
Stein and Day, 1981).
(Katzenbach, Sisco, GRostow, McCloskey present.)
168. Telegram From the Department
of State to the Embassy in the United Kingdom/1/
Washington, June 5, 1967, 11:09 p.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Secret; Immediate. The
telegram indicates the text was received from the White House. It was
approved for transmission by Walsh; the message conveyed in the telegram
was apparently drafted by Walt Rostow.
208406. Ref: State 202732./2/ For the Charge--You should
transmit following message dated June 5, from the President to the Prime
Minister:
/2/The reference is in error; telegram 202732 to London,
May 26, transmitted the text of Prime Minister Wilson's May 25 message
to the President (Document 62).
Dear Harold:
I appreciate your comments/3/ on the unfortunate developments
in the Near East. We had feared that someone might feel compelled to
strike. We had no advance indication that a decision had been taken./4/
We believed, in fact, we had at least a clean week for diplomacy.
/3/A message from Prime Minister Wilson to President
Johnson, delivered to Rostow during the 11:30 Cabinet Room meeting,
noted that in their last talk on June 2, "you expressed your sombre
belief that war between Israel and the Arabs could not be avoided, despite
the efforts we had been making and discussing together earlier that
day." Wilson urged, "What we need is a clear demand from the
Council for a cease-fire: after which a fresh attempt to thrash out
a longer term settlement might be made." Wilson thought that since
it was unlikely that the Security Council would be able to agree, members
would need to plan for other possible contingencies, underlining the
importance of their meeting the previous week. He added, "I am
indeed glad that you and I were able to go over the ground so exhaustively
so that, in this situation of confusion and uncertainty, we at least
are clear in our minds about each other's attitude." (Johnson Library,
National Security File, Head of State Correspondence File, UK, Vol.
6, PM Wilson Correspondence)
/4/In an earlier draft the two preceding sentences
read: "We had feared that the Israelis might feel compelled to
strike, but we had had no advance indication from them that they had
actually taken a decision to do so in the face of what they judged to
be further Arab provocations." Walt Rostow sent the revised draft
to the President for "one more look", noting that he had changed
the first paragraph "so that we did not put flatly into the record
a judgment that Israel had kicked this off from a standing start."
Johnson approved the revised draft. (Johnson Library, National Security
File, NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. 3)
Arthur Goldberg has had a difficult time in the Security
Council. Like you, we had hoped for a quick cease-fire resolution. But
we have had to deal with a determined effort to have the Council call
for a withdrawal of forces in terms which would legitimize Nasser's
action at the Strait of Tiran a subject on which we have both taken
unequivocal positions.
We have done everything we could to get an even-handed
Security Council pronouncement. We shall work with your people in New
York to encourage helpful UN action. If the Soviets, and the French,
are more forthcoming than they have been, both of us will want to build
on that development to work toward a satisfactory settlement.
Meanwhile, I hope we can keep in closest touch as the
military situation develops and put the best minds available to both
of us to work on the contingencies that may arise and the constructive
possibilities that may unfold.
I think you know the deep satisfaction I derived from
our discussions.
Sincerely,
Lyndon B. Johnson
Rusk
169. Memorandum Prepared in the Central
Intelligence Agency's Office of Current Intelligence/1/
Washington, June 5, 1967.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Country File, Middle East Crisis, Situation Reports. Top Secret; [codeword
not declassified]. The memorandum was not prepared on letterhead and
bears no drafting information, but a copy bears the handwritten notation
"CIA/OCI memo." (Ibid., NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis,
Vol. 3) See footnote 7, Document 149.
SUBJECT
The Arab-Israeli War: Who Fired the First Shot
1. An analysis of presently available information suggests
that Israel fired the first shots today. The Israelis, however, claim
they were responding to a movement by Egyptian air and armored forces
"toward" Israel which they interpreted as an attack. Cairo
says flatly that Israel attacked Egypt.
2. The Egyptian army's foreign liaison officer informed
the US Defense Attaché in Cairo that Israel started raiding the
Suez Canal Zone and El-Arish Airfield in northeastern Sinai at 9 a.m.
Cairo time (2 a.m. EDT). An announcement on the Israeli army radio service
at 9:05 Cairo time (2:05 EDT) said the Israeli army was clashing with
an Egyptian armored force "moving toward Israel." An Israeli
army spokesman later announced that the Egyptians had "opened an
air and land attack." He said Egyptian armored forces moved at
dawn "toward" southern Israel and that Israeli forces "went
out to meet them." He also said that Egyptian jet aircraft were
seen on radar "coming toward the country's shores," and that
a similar air movement was occurring along the Sinai border. Air clashes
developed, he added, when Israeli planes flew to meet them.
3. Israeli Foreign Minister Eban told Ambassador Barbour
that Egyptian ground forces began the fighting by shelling Israeli border
villages. An official Israeli report passed to the US Embassy, however,
said Egypt's 4th armored division plus a mobile task force had teamed
up "with the apparent intention" of striking across southern
Israel toward Jordan. The report said Israel armored forces had moved
to engage the Egyptian armor, and that Israel had attacked Egyptian
airfields.
4. [9 lines of source text not declassified]
170. Telegram From the Department
of State to the Embassy in Jordan/1/
Washington, June 6, 1967, 2:53 a.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Secret; Exdis; Flash.
Drafted by Davies; cleared in substance by Houghton, and approved for
transmission by Robert D. Yoder of the Operations Center. Also sent
Flash to Tel Aviv and repeated Flash to Cairo, Beirut, Damascus, Jerusalem,
Baghdad, Kuwait, Jidda, and USUN.
208420. Ref: Amman 4084./2/
/2/Telegram 4080 from Amman, June 6, reported that
King Hussein had advised the Embassy that unless the Israelis stopped
their attack on Jordan immediately, Jordan and his regime would be finished.
He said Jordan had no offensive capability and its army was in the process
of destruction, and there was fighting in Jerusalem, endangering the
Holy Places. He asked the U.S. Government to arrange an immediate cease-fire.
(Ibid.) Telegram 4081 from Amman, June 6, reported that the King had
not said "cease-fire" but rather "I must have immediate
end to the violent attacks." (Ibid.) Telegram 4084 from Amman,
June 6, reported that the King could not afford to accept a unilateral
cease-fire; he wanted a decrease in punitive destructive actions. He
wanted to reduce his own military effort but could not do so unless
the Israelis responded. (Ibid.)
For Tel Aviv.
You should immediately impart information Amman's 4080
to highest available level Israeli Government urging that Israel agree
immediately take steps move toward cease fire with Jordan imparting
information either through UNTSO or USG channel. You should urge strongly
slackening of attacks against Jerusalem while efforts to bring about
cease fire proceed. Information paras one and two Amman's 4084 may be
used. Immediate offer to accept Pope's appeal that Jerusalem be considered
open city by both sides might provide basis for mutual cease fire Jerusalem
and environs. We urging this on Jordan./3/
/3/Barbour reported in telegram 3953 from Tel Aviv,
June 6, that he had passed to the highest level Israeli authorities
the U.S. position as instructed in telegram 208420. (Ibid.)
For Amman.
Inform King Hussein actions being taken and urge similar
actions by Jordan. Our understanding has been Israel willing respond
to restraint by Jordan. We have asked Israelis to slacken off and urge
Jordan to take all possible steps make this possible. In strongest terms
urge acceptance open city appeal. You should urge Hussein publicly rebut
canard re aircraft carriers./4/
/4/At 7:40 a.m., Radio Cairo began broadcasting the
charge that U.S. aircraft had participated in Israeli attacks and air
defense and that King Hussein had given Nasser evidence of this. (Telegram
8565 from Cairo, June 6; ibid.) Telegram 4086 from Amman, June 6, reported
that after hearing the broadcast, the Embassy had contacted King Hussein,
who said he had made no such statement. The Embassy had been informed
that the report was given to Nasser by the UAR Commander of the Jordanian
Army, Lieutenant General Abdul Munim Riyadh. (Ibid.)
Rusk
171. Telegram From the Department
of State to the Mission to the United Nations/1/
Washington, June 6, 1967, 4:06 a.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Unclassified; Flash.
Drafted by Houghton, and approved by Davies. Also sent Flash to Damascus,
Rabat, Khartoum, Tunis, Baghdad, London, Kuwait, Tripoli, Jidda, Algiers,
Paris, Beirut, Moscow, Amman, Jerusalem, and Cairo.
208426. 1. Cairo radio has made false charge US aircraft
provided fighter cover over Israel during raids by Israeli aircraft
on UAR June 5, and played role against Jordanian forces./2/ Charges
are absolutely false. No US aircraft carriers have been in or near area
of hostilities nor have US aircraft./3/
/2/See footnote 4, Document 170, and Document 153 and
footnotes 2 and 3 thereto.
/3/Telegram 208427 to USUN, June 6, states that at
3:45 a.m. the Department had denied the charges and protested vigorously
to Ambassador Kamel, requesting immediate action to terminate the broadcasts.
(National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, Central Files
1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR) Nolte had already telephoned the Foreign Minister
to give him a categorical denial that U.S. planes or ships were involved
in any way in the fighting, and Political Counselor Richard B. Parker
had given a categorical denial to Abdul Aziz in Mohieddin's office.
(Telegrams 8567 and 8569 from Cairo, both dated June 6; both ibid.)
2. You should categorically deny charge at highest
level and issue public denial. Both State and Defense Departments have
already issued denials./4/
/4/A press release issued by the Department of Defense
on June 5 stated that reports that Sixth Fleet aircraft had flown to
Israeli airfields or had participated in the conflict were erroneous;
all Sixth Fleet aircraft had been and remained several hundred miles
from the area of conflict. (Telegram 208283 to Amman, June 5; ibid.)
Secretary Rusk stated at the White House at 9:05 a.m. on June 6 that
the charges were "utterly and wholly false." He also stated,
"We know that they and some of their friends know where some of
our carriers are. We can only conclude that this was a malicious charge,
known to be false, and, therefore, obviously was invented for some purpose
not fully disclosed." (Circular telegram 208457, June 6; ibid.;
Department of State Bulletin, June 26, 1967, pp. 950-951)
Rusk
172. President's Daily Brief/1/
Washington, June 6, 1967.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. 6, Appendix A. Top Secret; [codeword
not declassified]. Regarding the release of this PDB, see footnote 1,
Document 151.
1. Arab States-Israel
Cairo may be prepared to launch a campaign urging strikes
against US interests in the Arab world. Both Egyptian and Syrian domestic
broadcasts this morning called on the "Arab masses" to destroy
all US and "imperialist" interests in the "Arab homeland."
Last night Cairo radio claimed it had proof of US and British participation
in the "aggression."
Demonstrations have now taken place against US embassies
and installations all over the Arab world.
Arab oil-producing countries, meeting in Baghdad, say
they will stop selling oil to any country which takes part in or supports
Israel in the fighting. Baghdad radio said this morning that the pumping
of Iraqi oil has been stopped "because of US and UK attitudes."
In the fighting, Israel has gained an early and perhaps
overwhelming victory in the air, but the progress of the war on the
ground is unclear. If Israeli claims regarding damage to Arab combat
aircraft are valid, they have destroyed the entire Jordanian inventory
of 21, two thirds of the Syrian inventory of 69, and 250 of some 430
Egyptian planes.
Arab counterclaims of 158 Israeli planes destroyed
seem grossly exaggerated, but actual losses to the Israeli force of
about 270 aircraft are not known.
Firm information on ground action remains sparse. The
Israelis claim they have captured the "outer positions" of
Kuntilla in southeastern Sinai and reached the outskirts of al-Arish
in northern Sinai.
In Jordan, King Husayn said this morning that Israel
is pushing ahead in a "punitive fashion." He ended with a
plea that the US intercede.
173. Message From Premier Kosygin
to President Johnson/1/
Moscow, June 6, 1967, 5:34 a.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Head of State Correspondence, USSR, Washington-Moscow "Hot-Line"
Exchange, 6/5-10/67. No classification marking. The source text is labeled
"Translation," with a typed notation indicating a sight translation
was made at 5:50 a.m.; the message was received by the President at
5:50 a.m.; a rough translation was made at 5:54 a.m.; and a final, official
translation was provided at 6:23 a.m. A typed notation on a copy of
the message in Russian states that it was transmitted by Soviet Molink
at 5:34 a.m. and received by U.S. Molink at 5:43 a.m. (Ibid.)
Dear Mr. President,
Military activities in the Near East continue, moreover
their scope is spreading.
The Soviet Government is convinced that a decisive
demand for an immediate cease-fire and the withdrawal of troops behind
the armistice line would be in the interests of re-establishing peace.
We express the hope that the Government of the United States will support
the stated demand in the Security Council. We are supporting it.
Everything possible should be done so that positive
decision be taken today on this matter by the Security Council.
Respectfully,
A. Kosygin
174. Telegram From the Department
of State to the Embassy in Israel/1/
Washington, June 6, 1967, 8:55 a.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Secret; Flash; Exdis.
Drafted by Under Secretary of State Katzenbach and approved for transmission
by Deputy Executive Secretary Herbert B. Thompson. Repeated Flash to
Amman.
208438. Amman's 4095./2/ You should inform GOI of Jordanian
desire for immediate cease-fire and urge GOI that it would be in their
interest to make necessary arrangements immediately and directly rather
than through UN. This would split Jordan off from other Arab states.
It may be preferable that cease-fire remain secret temporarily if King
is to maintain control./3/
/2/Telegram 4095 from Amman, June 6, reported that
King Hussein had asked the British, French, U.S., and Soviet Ambassadors
to arrange a cease-fire, either acting unilaterally or through the United
Nations. He said UAR Commander of the Jordanian Army General Riyadh,
(Lieutenant General Munim Riyadh), told him he had three alternatives:
cease-fire, military evacuation of the West Bank, or continued fighting
with loss of the West Bank. When Burns returned to the Embassy, the
Prime Minister called to say without an immediate cease-fire, they would
be unable to maintain law and order in Jordan. (Ibid.)
/3/Telegram 3967 from Tel Aviv, June 6, reported that
Barbour had passed the message to the Prime Minister and had urged Israeli
acceptance, arguing the need to end the bloodshed. Barbour commented
that because of Jordan's initiation of hostilities in Jerusalem and
attacks on civilian areas, it was probably too late to arouse any Israeli
interest in preserving King Hussein's regime. (Ibid.)
Rusk
175. Message From President Johnson
to Premier Kosygin/1/
Washington, June 6, 1967, 10:21 a.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Head of State Correspondence, USSR, Washington-Moscow "Hot-Line"
Exchange, 6/5-10/67. Secret. A typed notation on the source text indicates
it was approved by the President at 10:03 a.m.; it was transmitted by
US Molink at 10:21 a.m. and it was received by Soviet Molink at 10:43
a.m. The President met with Vice President Humphrey, Rusk, McNamara,
Katzenbach, Bundy, Walt Rostow, Clark Clifford, and Llewellyn Thompson
from 6:40 to 8:54 a.m. in the White House Situation Room. (Ibid., President's
Daily Diary)
Mr. Kosygin,
We continue to believe that the fighting in the Near
East should be stopped as soon as possible. We were disappointed that
the UN Security Council lost a full day yesterday in its effort to call
for a prompt cease-fire. I understand that our representatives in the
Security Council will be discussing this matter further this morning.
The matter is urgent.
I was puzzled, Mr. Chairman, by what has been said
by the Soviet Press and Radio since our exchange of messages yesterday
morning. It does not help to charge the United States as a participant
in aggression, especially when our only role has been to press for restraint
at every step of the way.
I know you are not responsible for Cairo. But you should
know that we were astounded that Cairo, just a few hours ago, alleged
that U.S. carrier aircraft had participated in attacks on Egypt. This
wholly false and obviously invented charge has led to attacks on our
representatives in various Arab localities in violation of the most
elemental rights of legation. Since you know where our carriers are,/2/
I hope you can put Cairo right on this matter and help us eliminate
that kind of needless inflammation.
/2/Telegram 61037Z from COMSIXTHFLT to CINCUSNAVEUR
stated that Soviet ships had been shadowing the U.S. carriers in the
Mediterranean constantly since June 2 and could confirm that the U.S.
carriers had remained at least 200 miles from Egypt, Syria, and Israel.
(National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, Office of the
Executive Secretariat, Middle East Crisis Files, 1967, Entry 5190)
We have expressed to your government our views on the
Strait of Tiran in my letter to you of May 28 and Secretary of State
Rusk's letter to Foreign Minister Gromyko of the same date./3/
/3/Documents 88 and 90.
In this personal exchange I should like to emphasize
one point which goes beyond general principles about international rights
of passage through narrow waters. President Eisenhower, in 1957, was
faced with the problem of obtaining the withdrawal of Israeli forces
from Sinai. In pressing for a withdrawal which was earnestly desired
by Egypt, President Eisenhower committed the United States to international
passage of the strait. President Nasser's declaration of May 22 that
he would close the strait runs squarely into a commitment we undertook
while supporting Egypt, quite apart from our interests as a maritime
nation.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, I suggest that we both
do our best to obtain prompt action by the Security Council. The Resolution,
submitted by Ambassador Goldberg to Ambassador Fedorenko last night,/4/
meets the points raised in your communication to me, as well as the
realities discussed above. We earnestly hope you can give it your support.
/4/Goldberg reported his 9 p.m. meeting with Fedorenko
in telegram 5632 from USUN, June 6. (National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR/UN)
For your convenience, the key paragraph in this Resolution
is the following:
"Calls upon the Governments concerned to take
the necessary measures for an immediate cease-fire and prompt withdrawal,
without prejudice to the respective rights, claims or position of anyone,
of their armed personnel behind the Armistice Lines, and to take other
appropriate measures to ensure disengagement of forces, to refrain from
acts of force regardless of their nature, and to reduce tension in the
area."
Respectfully,
Lyndon B. Johnson
176. Memorandum From the President's
Special Assistant (Rostow) to President Johnson/1/
Washington, June 6, 1967, 11 a.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. 3. No classification marking.
A handwritten notation on the memorandum indicates that is was received
at noon, and a handwritten "L" indicates the President saw
it.
Mr. President:
Arthur Goldberg called this morning to tell me he had
received a telephone call from Jerusalem from Chief Justice Agranat.
(They entered the Chicago bar the same year.) The message is via Goldberg
to you from Prime Minister Eshkol. There are two points.
1. Eshkol "hopes you understand" the action
taken by Israel; that it resulted from a judgment that their security
situation had so deteriorated that their national existence was imperiled.
2. Eshkol strongly hopes that we will take no action
that would limit Israeli action in achieving freedom of passage through
the Gulf of Aqaba. They understand your difficulties in achieving this
result; and are prepared to handle the matter themselves.
I shall, of course, make this message available to
Secretaries Rusk and McNamara. We should be back with a recommendation
about the second point later in the day.
Walt
177. Telegram From the Department
of State to the Embassy in Lebanon/1/
Washington, June 7, 1967, 10:40 p.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Secret; Exdis. Drafted
by David L. Gamon (NEA/ARN), cleared by Davies and Houghton, and approved
by Eugene Rostow. Repeated to Baghdad, Jidda, Dhahran, Tel Aviv, London,
Paris, and USUN. According to Rusk's Appointment Book, the meeting took
place at 11 a.m. on June 6. (Johnson Library)
209151. Following based on uncleared memcons/2/ FYI
Noforn and subject revision.
/2/Memoranda of these conversations are in the National
Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL
27 ARAB-ISR.
1. Secretary and Under Secretary Rostow separately
received Foreign Minister Hakim of Lebanon morning June 6. Following
points made in addition to those made with Pachachi (State 206672):/3/
/3/See footnote 2, Document 132.
2. Secretary and Mr. Rostow made it clear that Egyptian
reports involving US aircraft in fighting were completely unfounded.
They said they were deeply disappointed that diplomacy had failed and
hostilities had broken out and that they were working desperately for
cease fire. Hakim said Israel would have to withdraw to positions it
occupied prior to present hostilities for cease fire to hold. Mr. Rostow
said this might be arranged if UN presence returned to Sharm el Sheikh.
Mr. Hakim believed Nasser could not give up his right to exercise sovereignty
over Strait of Tiran, although way in which he exercised this might
be negotiable. As practical matter, oil tankers represented only difficulty
and, Hakim claimed, other routes could be used at relatively little
increase in cost to Israel.
3. Foreign Minister said Arab-American friendship might
be one of first victims of "Israeli aggression". The Arabs
were convinced that only in event of Israeli military success would
the US be non-belligerent, but that the US would intervene on the side
of Israel if the Arabs were to gain the upper hand. The Arabs were united
in their anger and humiliation and determined some day to bring an end
to Israel as an aggressive, militaristic state. The Israelis might win
a victory now, Hakim said, but it was time they started thinking about
their future in the Arab world, which would depend ultimately on their
reaching a modus vivendi with the Arabs. With the help of Soviet arms
and their own growing population and economic power, the Arabs would
ultimately redress past wrongs.
4. Secretary and Mr. Rostow stressed their determination
achieve cease fire, but that USG could not alter its position re international
character of Strait.
Rusk
178. Telegram From the Embassy in
the United Arab Republic to the Department of State/1/
Cairo, June 6, 1967, 1640Z.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 17 US-UAR. Confidential; Flash. Passed
to the White House, DOD, CIA, USIA, NSA, COMAC, and CINCSTRIKE at 11
p.m.
8618 1. Called at 6:30 this evening to FonMin for meeting
with El Feki. He announced "withdrawal of recognition" by
UARG of USG. No time limit put on exodus, continuation of administrative
section under friendly power permitted. Nes and Bartos will pursue details
with Chief of Protocol later this evening.
2. Basis of withdrawal is US air support for Israel
in current hostilities, not only initially, but "replacing Israeli
losses as they occur" according to Cairo Radio./2/
/2/Battle met with Ambassador Kamel at 2:30 p.m. on
June 6 and stated in the "strongest terms" that there was
no truth to the UAR charges. He expressed regret that the UAR Government
had chosen to break relations on such a charge and stated that the United
States would treat the UAR and its diplomatic representation on a reciprocal
basis. (Telegram 208613 to Cairo, June 6; ibid., POL 17 US-UAR) Algeria,
Syria, Iraq, Sudan, and Yemen also broke relations with the United States
on June 6. Documentation is ibid., POL 17 US-ALG and equivalent files.
3. Thus endeth my meteoric mission to Cairo.
4. Request designation of protecting power immediately.
Nolte
179. Memorandum From Nathaniel Davis
of the National Security Council Staff to the President's Special Assistant
(Rostow)/1/
Washington, June 6, 1967.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. 3. Confidential. Rostow sent
this memorandum to the President at 4 p.m. with a covering memorandum
commenting: "If the Israelis go fast enough, and the Soviets get
worried enough, a simple cease-fire might be the best answer. This would
mean that we could use the de facto situation on the ground to try to
negotiate not a return to armistice lines but a definitive peace in
the Middle East." A copy was sent to Saunders.
SUBJECT
The Situation in New York--Tuesday, June 6, 1:15 p.m.
Ambassador Goldberg met with friendly Security Council
members this morning and then with Fedorenko. He found Fedorenko wanted
a resolution which called for an immediate cease-fire and withdrawal
behind the Armistice line--but without our language: "without prejudice
to respective rights, claims or the position of anyone," and without
our language about refraining from acts of force regardless of their
nature (which the Russians interpret as an attempt to undo the blockade
of the Straits of Tiran).
Fedorenko has now gone back to Moscow for further instructions
and the next Goldberg-Fedorenko meeting is scheduled for 3:00 or 3:30.
Tabor hopes to be in a position to reconvene the Security Council by
4:30, but there is no assurance of that. (The Ticker has a story it
will not be before 6: 00 p.m.)
Gideon Rafael, the Israeli Representative, has made
clear he takes exception to some of our resolution language, and his
Government will maintain a "frigid attitude" toward it. What
Israel wants is a simple cease-fire. (This was our original position
yesterday--and obviously in Israeli interest in light of their gains.)
Fedorenko saw Seydoux, the French Representative, after
talking with Goldberg. Foreign Minister Eban of Israel is expected in
New York this afternoon.
The continuing delay in convening the Security Council
is very much in Israel's interest so long as Israeli forces continue
their spectacular military success. We shall undoubtedly be accused
of stalling. In point of fact we are not, and the Russians are contributing
to the delay more than we are. The Russians suffer a genuine disadvantage
in having slower and more distant communications than we do. They have
shown signs of trying to adjust their position to the changing situation
on the ground in the Mid-East, but their adjustments have not caught
up with the deteriorating position of their allies--as of the moment
at least. The result is that the hours go by. The delay serves Israel,
damages the Soviet position and still further discredits the United
Nations.
ND
180. Editorial Note
The President held his weekly luncheon meeting from
1:25 to 3 p.m. on June 6, 1967, with Secretary Rusk, Secretary McNamara,
George Christian, and Walt Rostow. (Johnson Library, President's Daily
Diary) No record of the discussion has been found. The agenda prepared
by Rostow for the meeting listed the Middle East as the first topic
of discussion, with "Jordan," "Oil," and "Forward
planning and strategy" as subtopics. Rostow's handwritten notes
on his copy of the agenda indicate that they discussed the creation
of the NSC Special Committee, which was announced on June 7. The words
"Cuba missile crisis" are followed by the names "Mac,"
"Clark," and "Dean." This is followed by a list
of names, led by "DR, chair," and "MB[undy], ex sec."
The words "Oil Dictator" appear next to the name "Arthur
Dean," with "Gene Black" written underneath. Below are
the words "Canal" and "oil." The words "UN
observer" appear with the word "carriers" underneath.
Battle's and McCloskey's names appear with the note, "Tighten rein."
The words "think out" are attached to "Forward planning
and strategy." Notes on an attached page include the words "Arthur
Dean--oil--Gene Black?" and the name "Levy" (oil expert
Walter Levy). The notations "UAR" and "Algeria"
suggest that the news that both countries had broken relations was received
at the meeting. (Ibid., National Security File, Rostow Files, Meetings
with the President, January-June 1967)
Iraq, Kuwait, and Algeria announced the suspension
of oil deliveries to the United States and United Kingdom on June 6.
A Conference of Oil Ministers from Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Libya, Algeria,
the UAR, Syria, Lebanon, and representatives from Bahrain, Qatar, and
Abu Dhabi declared in a June 5 communiqué that Arab oil should
be denied to countries committing aggression or participating in aggression
against any Arab state, including any armed attack by any country in
support of Israel, and that the direct or indirect involvement of any
country in armed aggression against the Arab states would make the assets
of its companies and nationals inside the territories of the Arab countries
subject to the laws of war. The text of the communiqué is in
airgram A-804 from Baghdad, June 6. (National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR) For related documentation,
see the compilation on the 1967 oil embargo in Foreign Relations, 1964-1968,
volume XXXIV, Documents 228-268.
181. Memorandum From Nathaniel Davis
of the National Security Council Staff to the President's Special Assistant
(Rostow)/1/
Washington, June 6, 1967.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Country File, Middle East Crisis, Vol. IV. Confidential.
SUBJECT
The Situation in New York, Tuesday, June 6 at 5:15 p.m.
Goldberg and Fedorenko met a few minutes ago. Goldberg
pressed our understanding that our resolution would provide for free
passage of the Straits of Tiran. Fedorenko demurred--particularly if
this understanding were to be explicit. Goldberg then proposed a cease-fire
and "steps toward withdrawal." Fedorenko didn't like that.
Fedorenko then suggested returning to Tabor's original
resolution. This called for an immediate cease-fire and cooperation
with the UN to put the cease-fire into effect. Fedorenko objected to
the UN machinery aspect.
Goldberg finally suggested a resolution which calls
upon the governments concerned, as a first step, to take forthwith all
measures for an immediate cease-fire and for a cessation of all military
activities in the area./2/ (This last reference to all military activities
could apply to the Straits.)
/2/Transmitted in telegram 5638 from USUN, June 7.
(National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, Central Files
1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR/UN)
Fedorenko and Goldberg agreed to a quick referral of
this language to their governments.
Goldberg and Fedorenko are scheduled to meet again
within the next fifteen minutes to confirm their agreement if possible./3/
/3/New York has just called, confirming agreement.
[Footnote in the source text. Goldberg reported on his three June 6
meetings with Fedorenko in telegram 5644 from USUN, June 7. (lbid.)]
The Soviet attitude has shifted further in light of
military action on the ground, and they are now pressing hard for UN
action as soon as possible to stop the fighting.
If we and the Soviets can agree on language, Hans Tabor,
the President of the Security Council, must then consult other members
whose noses are somewhat out of joint because of the long delay and
the focus of the discussions between the Big Two. The Security Council
is scheduled to meet at 6:30 p.m. (It will probably convene at least
half an hour late.)
ND
182. Message From Premier Kosygin
to President Johnson/1/
Moscow, June 6, 1967, 6:07 p.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Head of State Correspondence, USSR, Washington-Moscow "Hot-Line"
Exchange, 6/5-10/67. No classification marking. The source text is labeled
"Translation," with a typed notation indicating a sight translation
was made at 6:12 p.m.; the message was received by the President at
6:15 p.m.; a rough translation was made at 6:17 p.m.; and a final, official
translation was provided at 6:38 p.m. A typed notation on a copy of
the message in Russian states that it was transmitted by Soviet Molink
at 6:07 p.m. and received by U.S. Molink at 6:10 p.m. (Ibid.)
Dear Mr. President,
We have considered your proposals. We have issued the
necessary instructions to the Soviet Representative in the Security
Council. We express the hope that you will also issue corresponding
instructions to your representative about the adoption today of resolutions
concerning the immediate cessation of military actions with the withdrawal
of troops behind the armistice line.
Respectfully,
A. Kosygin
183. Message From President Johnson
to Premier Kosygin/1/
Washington, June 6, 1967, 8:23 p.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Head of State Correspondence, USSR, Washington-Moscow "Hot-Line"
Exchange, 6/5-10/67. Secret. A typed notation on the message indicates
it was approved by the President at 7:45 p.m., it was transmitted by
US Molink at 8:23 p.m., and it was received by Soviet Molink at 8:28
p.m. The President met in the Situation Room from 6:29 to 7:15 p.m.
with Rusk, McNamara, Thompson, Katzenbach, Bundy, and Walt Rostow. (Johnson
Library, President's Daily Diary) Thompson recalled later that during
the 8 hours that had elapsed since Johnson's message that morning (Document
175), Fedorenko had agreed to a simple cease-fire, that is, according
to Thompson, "to a resolution Kosygin now wanted to get away from."
Thompson recalled some discussion in the Situation Room whether they
should take advantage of Fedorenko's agreement to a simple cease-fire
or stick to the terms of Johnson's earlier message. He thought they
would have been prepared to accept the earlier formulation, but everyone
agreed they should "take advantage of what had happened in New
York." See Document 245.
Mr. Kosygin:
Our two Ambassadors in the Security Council have been
in close consultation throughout the day. We understand that our Ambassadors
agreed to a very short resolution calling for a cease-fire as a first
step. We authorized our representative to agree on behalf of the United
States Government. The Security Council has just adopted this resolution
unanimously./2/ We shall do our best to assist the Security Council's
further efforts to restore peace in the Near East on a lasting basis.
/2/Resolution 233 (1967); the text is printed in Department
of State Bulletin, June 26, 1967, pp. 947-948. The key negotiations
at USUN on June 5 and 6 leading to the adoption of the resolution are
summarized in telegram 5740 from USUN, June 15. (National Archives and
Records Administration, RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR/UN)
I trust we can work together in the days ahead to help
solve the problems before us in the Near East and elsewhere.
Respectfully,
Lyndon B. Johnson
184. Telegram From the Department
of State to the Embassy in France/1/
Washington, June 6, 1967, 9:34 p.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, DEF 19-8 US-ISR. Secret; Priority; Limdis.
Drafted by Political-Military Adviser Colonel Edgar J. Fredericks (NEA/RA);
cleared in substance by Davies, Director for Operations Joseph J. Wolf
(G/PM), and Director of Foreign Military Rights Affairs Philip E. Barringer
(DOD/ISA), and in draft by Atherton; and approved for transmission by
Sober.
208743. Ref: Paris 19726/2/ and 19871./3/
/2/Telegram 19726 from Paris, June 2, reported that
U.S. military authorities had asked the Embassy about the previously
approved sale to Israel of 200 half-track personnel carriers, 57 of
which had been sold and delivered and the remaining 143 of which were
in French military depots and were yet to be sold. Unless it was otherwise
instructed, the Embassy planned to inform the U.S. military that the
vehicles should be sold. (Ibid.)
/3/Telegram 19871 from Paris, June 5, stated that the
Israeli purchasing mission was pressing hard for the sale of the personnel
carriers and that in view of the outbreak of hostilities, the Embassy
was advising U.S. military authorities not to complete the sale pending
instructions from Washington. (Ibid.)
1. Begin FYI. For variety of reasons we prefer hold
up on previously-authorized sale of remaining 143 half-tracks to Israel
at this sensitive time. While sale unlikely to alter military arms balance
in current hostilities there could be political risks in associating
US with transaction of "visible" military hardware at this
moment. We intend however to keep issue under review. End FYI.
2. You should find pretext which not related to Middle
East crisis to delay acting on Israeli request.
Rusk
185. Telegram From the Department
of State to the Embassy in Israel/1/
Washington, June 6, 1967, 9:41 p.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Secret; Flash; Nodis.
Drafted by Battle and approved by Rusk.
208748. For the Ambassador from the Secretary.
1. I believe that the GOI must look to its own interest
in the Arab world. The presence of Jordan and the King has been a stabilizing
influence which I do not believe the Israelis should lightly see go
down the drain.
2. I hope you will find a way to suggest most forcefully
to the Israelis that they arrange in the aftermath of the Security Council
resolution an immediate cease-fire at least de facto with Jordan./2/
I leave to you the nature of the approach and caution you that we do
not want to get in a position of trying to direct Israeli tactics, particularly
military ones. In the light of unfounded charges of the last couple
of days, any such implication would be dangerous indeed. I do, however,
think you may be able carefully to handle this as a matter in interest
to the Israelis (to say nothing of our own).
/2/Telegram 4112 from Amman, June 6, received at 9:40
p.m., reported that Jordanian Prime Minister Juma had telephoned to
request U.S. good offices in advising the Israelis that the Jordanian
Government desired an immediate cease-fire. (Ibid.) Telegram 208784
to Tel Aviv and Amman, June 6, instructed the Embassy in Tel Aviv to
convey this information to the Israeli Government and instructed the
Embassy in Amman to inform the Prime Minister and express the hope that
the Jordanian Government could notify the United Nations officially
at an early date of its acceptance of a cease-fire. (Ibid.)
Rusk
186. President's Daily Brief/1/
Washington, June 7, 1967.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. 6, Appendix A. Top Secret; [codeword
not declassified]. Regarding the release of this PDB, see footnote 1,
Document 151.
1. Arab States-Israel (As of 5:30 AM EDT)
At this point, the shooting continues despite the UN
ceasefire resolution. Early this morning Israeli planes were hammering
Jordanian positions outside Jerusalem. There also was some firing in
the city last night.
The Israelis appear to hold substantial portions of
the Sinai Peninsula, and Cairo is ordering the Egyptian force at Sharm
ash-Shaykh on the Straits of Tiran to withdraw. In fact, there are strong
indications that the Egyptians may be withdrawing most, if not all,
of their forces from the Sinai.
Although the Soviets are airlifting in some spare parts
for Egyptian tanks and aircraft, there are no indications of any major
Soviet military moves.
[6 lines of source text not declassified]
In last night's Security Council meeting, Fedorenko
demanded withdrawal of forces after a ceasefire, but this performance
seems intended to put the best face possible on the retreat. [6 lines
of source text not declassified]
The US Embassy in Cairo was not set on fire as reported
in this morning's Washington Post.
187. Telegram From the Department
of State to the Embassy in Jordan/1/
Washington, June 7, 1967, 7:46 a.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Secret; Flash. Drafted
and approved by Deputy Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern and South
Asian Affairs Stuart W. Rockwell and cleared by Rusk. Repeated Flash
to Tel Aviv.
208800. 1. FYI. In response our urgings they cease
fire Israelis have answered to effect JAA still fighting all along the
line. Most importantly, shelling of Jerusalem from Mar Ilias has not
stopped, and heavy fighting going on Nablus-Toubas area. Israelis believe
either King or Government no longer in control or are deliberately following
tactic of deception. Latter conclusion Israelis believe supported by
fact Hussein still apparently talking about secret rather than open
cease-fire./2/ End FYI. You should inform Hussein we strongly urging
Israelis cease-fire but they state JAA still fighting, and that shelling
of Jerusalem from Mar Ilias continuing. If true we urge JAA cease fire
totally and especially that attacks on Jerusalem be stopped in order
reinforce our efforts, which being undermined by continuing JAA firing.
/2/Barbour reported this Israeli response in telegram
3976 from Tel Aviv, June 7. He reported that Eshkol's views on Jordan
were along the same lines as Rusk's and that Eshkol would lay Rusk's
position before the Cabinet when it met that day, but that Israeli information
did not jibe with that reflected in recent telegrams from Amman. He
commented that if the Jordanians were serious in wanting a cease-fire
and if the King and the government were able to make the cease-fire
stick, the most effective thing they could do would be to stop shelling
Jerusalem, which was especially important to the Israelis and where
damage had been great. (Ibid.) Telegram 4119 from Amman, June 7, reported
that the Jordanian Foreign Minster had told the British, French, and
Soviet Ambassadors that although Jordan had ordered its army to cease
firing as of 2400Z, the Israeli army was continuing to attack Jordanian
locations on the West Bank; he appealed to the four powers to exert
every influence with Israel to end the attacks. (Ibid.) Telegram 4121
from Amman, June 7, reported a similar appeal from King Hussein. (Ibid.)
2. If Jordan has not formally notified SC of its acceptance
cease-fire you should urge it to do so.
3. For Tel Aviv: Inform GOI of action we taking in
Amman and reiterate our concern for cessation of hostilities with Jordan.
Rusk
188. Message From Premier Kosygin
to President Johnson/1/
Moscow, June 7, 1967, 8:18 a.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Head of State Correspondence, USSR, Washington-Moscow "Hot-Line"
Exchange, 6/5-10/67. No classification marking. The message is labeled
"Translation," with a typed notation indicating a sight translation
was made at 8:29 a.m.; the message was received by the President at
8:34 a.m.; a rough translation was made at 8:36 a.m.; and a final official
translation was provided at 9:20 a.m. A typed notation on a copy of
the message in Russian states it was transmitted by Soviet Molink at
8:18 a.m. and received by U.S. Molink at 8:23 a.m. (Ibid.)
Dear Mr. President,
According to available information, Israel is ignoring
the Resolution of the Security Council, summoning all governments concerned
to take as a first step all measures towards an immediate cease-fire
and cessation of all military actions in this area.
Such a situation calls for the Security Council to
use its authority to guarantee the implementation of its own decision.
In this connection, we have proposed an immediate reconvening
of the Security Council to take effective measures for an immediate
cessation of military actions and the re-establishment of peace.
Respectfully,
A. Kosygin
189. Memorandum From the President's
Special Assistant (Rostow) to President Johnson/1/
Washington, June 7, 1967, 9:50 a.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Country File, Middle East Crisis, Vol. IV. Secret. A handwritten "L"
on the memorandum indicates the President saw it. Copies were sent to
Rusk, McNamara, McGeorge Bundy, and Clark Clifford.
Mr. President:
Herewith some thoughts as of this morning.
I. The Israeli Situation and Bargaining Position. It
looks as though, with the assistance of Arab delay in implementing the
Security Council resolution, the Israelis will end up controlling the
west bank of the Jordan river, the whole Jerusalem area, and the whole
of the Sinai Peninsula, including the east bank of the Suez Canal. They
will also have in their hands the administrative control of perhaps
two-thirds of the Arab refugees, depending on how many flee the west
bank. Depending a bit-but not much-on whether and how fast the Soviet
Union is prepared to replace Arab aircraft and tank losses, the Israelis
for the moment are in a position to dominate militarily the region,
including a capacity, if necessary, to move across the Suez Canal to
the west bank.
II. The Arab Situation. The Arabs initially decided
to turn down the Security Council cease-fire resolution. It is unclear
exactly what they have in mind. It is possible that they may accept
it shortly and are merely trying to appear for the moment not excessively
eager or hasty. But it is also possible that they may be trying to maintain
Arab unity on the Baghdad pledge of the oil-producing powers; that is,
to deny pro-Israel western nations mid-East oil. Having lost in the
field, Nasser may be trying to preserve something of his position and
leadership by using the leverage of oil, pressure on other Western economic
interests, and possibly the use of the Suez Canal.
III. The Central Issue. The struggle now moving from
the battlefield to economic pressure and politics is probably this:
whether the settlement of this war shall be on the basis of armistice
arrangements, which leave the Arabs in the posture of hostilities towards
Israel, keeping alive the Israel issue in Arab political life as a unifying
force, and affording the Soviet Union a handle on the Arab world; or
whether a settlement emerges in which Israel is accepted as a Middle
Eastern state with rights of passage through the Suez Canal, etc.
IV. U.S. Objective. The U.S. objective is evidently
to try to move from the present situation to as stable and definitive
a peace as is possible. This will require Israeli concessions--as well
as important moves by others--on the refugee issue. It also involves:
--A transition from the present Arab radical mood towards
that of Arab moderates.
--Probably a larger Middle Eastern role for Turkey
and Iran.
--Regional arms control arrangements, optimally to
be worked out within the region itself.
--The beginnings, at least, of systematic regional
cooperation in economic development, including, perhaps, a regional
plan for development of water resources.
--The emergence of a spirit of regional pride and self-reliance
to supplant the sense of defeat and humiliation engendered in the Arab
world in the wake of the failure of Nasser, his strategy, and his ideological
rhetoric.
V. First Tactical Moves. It is obvious that if the
result we wish to achieve is to be brought about, by definition it requires
the U.S. to be in a position of quietly stimulating and encouraging
the Middle Eastern forces which might wish to move in this direction
but not appearing to dominate or dictate the solution. In an only slightly
lesser degree, this is also true for the United Nations. The UN role
should be to set a framework within which these things become possible
but not to become excessively involved in detail. U.S.-USSR understandings,
quietly achieved, could play an important role in this outcome; but,
as during these days, it is clear that the outcome in our interest is
directly contrary to Soviet strategy over the past years; they have
suffered a setback of the first order of magnitude; and they will only
react in ways consistent with our interests if the political forces
on the spot, as well as the military situation, leave them no other
realistic alternative.
In the light of this assessment, here are some initial
possible tactical moves:
--Quiet discussions with the Israelis about the concept
of a definitive Middle Eastern settlement along the lines in paragraph
III, above.
--Quiet approaches to, say, President Sunay,/2/ the
Shah, the King of Morocco, President Bourguiba,/3/ suggesting this approach.
/2/Turkish President Cevdet Sunay.
/3/Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba.
--Quiet beginnings of discussions with moderate Arabs
along these lines, as opportunity offers. In this connection, men like
Eugene Black, Robert Anderson, Raymond Hare, Kermit Roosevelt might
be helpful.
--Encouragement of arrangements which tend to split
the Arab world, e.g., a Jordan-Israeli cease-fire; the revival of U.S.
diplomatic relations with one or another Arab state to break the solidity
of the bloc; efforts to break one or another Arab oil-producing state
out of the Baghdad understanding; etc.
--A willingness to broaden the mandate of Jack Valenti's
mission to the whole field of water in the Middle East--or the assignment
of, say, Eugene Black to some such enterprise as a supplement to Jack's
present mission.
At the heart of this approach, however, is a broad
and imaginative movement by Israel on the question of refugees. The
Johnson plan is a good initial base; but they, we, and others ought
to get at this fast. They will--and should--make acceptance of these
arrangements contingent on a general peace settlement; but they should
move quickly, from their present position of strength and political
unity in Israel, to an explicit willingness to play their part in a
refugee settlement.
Walt
190. Memorandum From the President's
Special Assistant (Califano) to President Johnson/1/
Washington, June 7, 1967, 10:15 a.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Name File, Califano Memos. No classification marking. The President
looked at the memorandum in Califano's office around 10:45 a.m. and
told Califano to talk to Bundy about it "confidentially."
(Johnson Library, President's Daily Diary)
Abe Fortas called and asked me to pass along two points
to you:
1. He thought you should refrain from getting into
the "neutrality" issue any more, particularly through an argument
on the Neutrality Act. He believes we have taken care of that issue
with the American-Jewish community and he has deep reservations about
the applicability of the Neutrality Act to this situation.
2. He believes that once there is a cease fire, the
United States should not try and draw up blueprints for restructuring
the Middle East. His view is that we should let the Israelis and Arabs
negotiate this out, and save ourselves until the last half of the ninth
inning in the negotiations.
With respect to the second point, Abe believes the
post-cease fire situation is going to be the trickiest from the viewpoint
of domestic politics as well as international politics. He indicated
that he would like to talk to you at some point about this, but he does
not want to bother you.
191. Telegram From the Embassy in Jordan to the Department
of State/1/
Amman, June 7, 1967, 1408Z.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Secret; Flash. Repeated
to the White House and Tel Aviv. Received at 10:57 a.m. Passed to DOD,
CIA, USIA, NSA, COMAC, and CINCSTRIKE, and USUN at 11:15 a.m.
4125. Ref: Deptel 208001./2/
/2/Reference is apparently to Document 187.
1. Hussein, as we reported twenty-four hours ago, is
prepared to have open cease fire.
2. For past several hours Radio Amman has been announcing
GOJ acceptance of cease fire. Israelis monitor these broadcasts and
thus have no basis to assume GOJ still desires secret cease fire.
3. GOJ formally notified Security Council of its acceptance
of cease fire early this morning through El-Farra.
4. Israeli suggestion that King deliberately following
tactic of deception hardly supportable. Israeli military intelligence
well aware Jordanian losses. IDF briefings to DATT Tel Aviv have covered
losses in detail./3/
/3/A number of telegrams reporting such briefings are
in the National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, Central
Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR.
5. There is possibility King and government not in
communication with all JAA units. However, should Israelis be sincerely
prepared for cease fire we assume that, particularly in Jerusalem area,
way could be found to use receptive government radios to announce cease
fire at set time.
6. I recognize IDF goal may well be total destruction
of Jordanian army. I consider that JAA destruction, if achieved, would
have disastrous effects on this regime and on area stability as whole.
I am gravely concerned about resultant effects on public order and on
safety large American community still in Kingdom.
7. For all these considerations I consider it imperative
we spare no effort to arrange this cease fire. Jordanians willing follow
any formula we may suggest to achieve this. I respectfully urge that
President telephone PriMin Eshkol to bring cease fire into effect soonest./4/
/4/Howard Wriggins of the NSC staff sent copies of
this telegram and telegram 4127 from Amman to Walt Rostow at 3:40 p.m.,
with a brief memorandum recommending that the President send an urgent
message to Eshkol. Attached were a draft memorandum from Rostow to the
President and a draft Presidential message to Eshkol. Rostow apparently
did not forward the proposal or the telegram. (Johnson Library, National
Security File, NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. IV) Telegram
4127 from Amman, June 7, reported that Chief of Staff Khammash had advised
the Embassy that Jordanian units in the Jerusalem area were cut off
and subject to heavy bombardment, that the Jordanian army was trying
to evacuate the West Bank, and that withdrawing columns were being strafed
and bombarded. Khammash urged immediate Israeli compliance with the
cease-fire and stated that the Jordanian military position was hopeless.
The record copy is in the National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR.
Burns
192. Telegram From the Commander of the Sixth Fleet
(Martin) to the Joint Chiefs of Staff/1/
June 7, 1967, 1503Z.
/1/Source: Joint Chiefs of Staff Files, 898/392. Secret;
Flash. The telegram does not indicate the time of receipt. Repeated
to CNO, CINCUSNAVEUR, USCINCEUR, CINCUSAFE, DIA, and DIRNSA. Filed as
an attachment to the Report of the JCS Fact Finding Team: USS Liberty
Incident, 8 June 1967. (See footnote 2, Document 337.)
71503Z. A. COMSIXTHFLT 070626Z Jun 67./2/
/2/Telegram 70626Z from COMSIXTHFLT to JCS stated that
there had been no direct or indirect communications between COMSIXTHFLT
and any Israeli source either military or non-military and none reported
by any COMSIXTHFLT subordinate command. (Joint Chiefs of Staff Files,
898/392)
1. This applies ref A.
2. Prior to 052015Z Jun 67 SIXTHFLT aircraft were engaged
in normal training operations in the Sea of Crete and south of the western
end of Crete. No air operations were authorized east of lat 30E or within
100 miles of the Egyptian coast. These restrictions provided a minimum
approach distance for aircraft to the coasts of Israel and Syria of
no less that 240 miles and to the coast of Egypt from Alexandria west
of no less than 100 miles. At 052015Z Jun 67 the operating area for
SIXTHFLT units was expanded to include all of the eastern Med except
that no operations, either surface or air, were permitted within 1 [100]
miles of Israel, Syria, or Egypt or within 25 miles of Cyprus.
3. On 5 May [June] both carriers were operating in
positions which were in excess of 400 miles from Israel or Sinai. Flight
operations on America were conducted from 0915Z until 1235Z and on Saratoga
from 0828Z until 1313Z. Flight operations were conducted for training
purposes and were routine in all aspects. On 6 Jun limited UR operations
were conducted during the day for routing purposes. No night operations
were conducted by either carrier.
4. All SIXTHFLT CVA pilots who participated in air
operations on 5 and 6 Jun have been queried concerning their track lines
and any voice communications either transmitted or received. At no time
were the airspace restrictions set forth in para 1. above violated,
i.e., on 5 Jun no SIXTHFLT CVA aircraft approached the Israel or Sinai
coastline closer that 240 miles and on 6 Jun no SIXTHFLT CVA aircraft
approached the Israel, Syria or Egypt coastlines closer than 100 miles.
Tracks flown were actually farther from Israel/Syria/Egypt than the
above limiting figures. During these flights no SIXTHFLT pilot either
transmitted or received any radio transmissions from stations either
in or under the control of any country in the Mideast engaged in the
current conflict, either directly or indirectly by relay. In short,
on 5 and 6 Jun no SIXTHFLT aircraft overflew Israel, Syria, or Egypt
and no communications were established by SIXTHFLT pilots with any radio
stations controlled or utilized by any of these countries.
5. No flight operations are scheduled for 7 Jun for
either Saratoga or America. The limitations set forth in para 2 above
continue in effect.
193. Message From President Johnson to Premier Kosygin/1/
Washington, June 7, 1967, 11:18 a.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
Head of State Correspondence, USSR, Washington-Moscow "Hot-Line"
Exchange, 6/5-10/67. No classification marking. A typed notation on
the source text indicates it was approved by the President at 11 a.m.;
it was transmitted by US Molink at 11:18 a.m.; and it was received by
Soviet Molink at 11:25 a.m. The message was drafted by Rusk and apparently
revised by the President, Walt Rostow, and Bundy. A draft marked "Sect.
Rusk, 10:10 a.m., draft," along with a copy of the message as sent,
which was similar but somewhat revised, is ibid., Country File, USSR,
Hollybush, Vol. III. The President met with Walt Rostow and Bundy for
a part of the time between 10:25 and 10:45 a.m. discussing "the
wording of some communication." (Ibid., President's Daily Diary)
Mr. Chairman:
We are instructing our Ambassador at the United Nations
to agree to an immediate meeting of the Security Council when one is
suggested by your Ambassador.
Our Ambassador reports that the Security Council was
informed last evening by Foreign Minister Eban that Israel would accept
a cease-fire, while noting that he did not know of the reaction of the
Arab side. He also reported that the Arab Ambassadors were silent on
this point. At the time of this message, we ourselves are not clear
as to their attitude, with the possible exception of Jordan.
We are taking steps to see that the resolution of the
Security Council is implemented by all concerned. We are prepared to
work with all others to establish a lasting peace in the region.
The wholly false reports and invented charges that
United States aircraft participated in attacks on Egypt have resulted
in mob action against American embassies and consulates and a break
in Diplomatic Relations by seven Arab countries with the United States.
This despicable act on their part and failure to give adequate protection
to American officials and private citizens in Arab countries will lead
to a very serious deterioration in the situation. I repeat the hope
that you will be able to counsel moderation where it is needed.
Respectfully,
Lyndon B. Johnson
194. Memorandum for the Record/1/
Washington, June 7, 1967, 12:05-1 p.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
NSC Meetings File, Vol. 4. Secret. Dated January 7, 1969. The meeting
took place in the Cabinet Room. The time and place of the meeting are
from the President's Daily Diary. (Ibid.) A list of those present is
ibid., National Security File, NSC Meetings File, Vol. 4. A handwritten
memorandum, June 7, that Rostow apparently gave to the President during
the meeting, conveys a message from Moyers that Eban had told Feinberg
he was going to take the position of no withdrawal without a definitive
peace, and he would be seeing Goldberg to ask for U.S. support. Feinberg
thought this was the way for the President to retrieve his position
after the McCloskey statement. (Ibid., Appointment File, June 1967,
Middle East Crisis) Rostow evidently received this message in a telephone
call from Moyers at 12:28 p.m.; he left the NSC meeting to return Moyers'
call. (Ibid., President's Daily Diary
SUBJECT
National Security Council Meeting, Wednesday, June 7, 1967
The following is a record from my notes made during
the meeting, but, because of the fast moving events in the Middle East,
not transcribed until today.
Secretary Rusk opened the discussion of the situation
in the Middle East by reporting that Nasser had suffered a "stunning
loss." He had miscalculated the military situation and Soviet support.
There was widespread disillusionment with Nasser in the Middle East./2/
The Soviets seemed to have been guilty of encouraging him. The Arabs
in the UN felt that the USSR had let them down. Israel was riding high
and its demands will be substantial. Israel will probably demand a peace
treaty with the Arabs with the following objectives:
/2/At 9 a.m. that morning, Rostow sent the President
reports from the London press that Nasser's position was threatened
by the developments in the war, with a brief covering memorandum that
commented, "If Nasser goes, we indeed do have a new ball game."
(Ibid., NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis)
a. Clear resolution of the state of belligerence.
b. Getting rid of the UN truce supervisory machinery.
Israel will accept no arrangements that derogate its sovereignty.
c. At the beginning it seemed that Israel was not seeking
territorial acquisition, but Ambassador Barbour feels they will want
Sharm el-Sheikh and straightened out borders./3/
/3/Barbour estimated in telegram 3988 from Tel Aviv,
June 7, that the Israelis would insist on final peace treaties with
their neighbors with firm, accepted frontiers and would not accept any
international supervisory organizations. He thought they would not want
to absorb the West Bank but would want to hold on to the areas of the
Sinai, including Sharm el-Sheikh, from which they withdrew under pressure
in 1957, and that they would expect other adjustments to widen the narrow
belt between Jordan and the sea and to improve their strategic position
toward Syria. (National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59,
Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR)
Looking ahead, the Secretary spoke of the importance
to us of removing belligerent rights, resuming international guarantees,
and regional economic and social developments to absorb intra-Arab and
Arab-Israeli quarrels. If we do not make ourselves "attorneys for
Israel," we cannot recoup our losses. We do have something to bargain
with in that Israel must be grateful to the US and Israel requires continuing
US support.
The Secretary reviewed the question of "who did
what?" He said we had a primary obligation to ourselves to maintain
peace. What we would have done had we been in Prime Minister Eshkol's
shoes is another question. Eban had laid bare Israeli thinking and we
understood it. In any case, the situation on June 8 appeared "more
manageable than five days or three days ago." The air battle had
been significant.
Mr. Helms said that the Russians had badly miscalculated,
even more so than in the Cuban missile crisis.
Mr. Katzenbach said that arrangements for evacuation
of Americans were in progress everywhere except in Jordan. We still
were holding off in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.
Mr. Gaud reported that we had had aid programs in six
of the fourteen Arab countries (plus Israel)-Sudan, Jordan, Tunisia,
the UAR, Morocco, Israel--and a pipeline of one sort or another to twelve.
He had stopped obligations to all of these countries. He had frozen
everything for those countries who have broken diplomatic relations.
In addition there are US contributions to the world food program, UNRWA
and voluntary agencies which we had not stopped. The pipeline of unliquidated
obligations added up to about $130 million. The President asked Mr.
Rostow to pull all of this information together and to see how it sorted
itself out.
With regard to our aid through international or private
agencies, Secretary Rusk said it would be serious to pull out of the
FAO. On the other hand, with American personnel coming out of countries
like the UAR, voluntary agency programs might have to give for the time
being.
The discussion turned to the question of military equipment.
The Vice President said the Congress was watching the flow of arms shipments
very carefully. Mr. E.V. Rostow noted Soviet shipments to the Arabs.
The President said "he was not sure we were out
of our troubles." He could not visualize the USSR saying it had
miscalculated, and then walking away. Our objective should be to "develop
as few heroes and as few heels as we can." It is important for
everybody to know we are not for aggression. We are sorry this has taken
place. We are in as good a position as we could be given the complexities
of the situation. We thought we had a commitment from those governments,
but it went up in smoke very quickly. The President said that by the
time we get through with all the festering problems we are going to
wish the war had not happened.
Ambassador Thompson said he could figure out no explanation
for the Soviet misjudgment. The Russians should have known the Arabs'
capability. He felt the end of belligerence should be relatively easy
to handle with the USSR. Barring a direct threat to Cairo, he felt the
Soviets would probably stay out of war.
Secretary Rusk felt that, in Moscow, those advising
caution may be strengthened.
General Wheeler reported briefly on the air war, noting
that the Israelis had caught a large portion of the UAR air force on
the ground. He also pointed out that the striking nature of the Israeli
success reflected great superiority in maintenance, leadership, training
and discipline rather than numerical superiority.
The President then went on to read a statement later
released to the press (attached),/4/ establishing a Special Committee
of the National Security Council to deal with the Middle East crisis,
with McGeorge Bundy to serve as Executive Secretary and as a special
consultant to the President and with Secretary Rusk as chairman.
/4/For text, see Public Papers of the Presidents of
the United States: Lyndon B. Johnson, 1967, Book I, p. 599. The President
stated that the members of the Special Committee, in addition to Rusk
and Bundy, would be Fowler, McNamara, Wheeler, Helms, Clifford, and
Walt Rostow. He stated that he would meet with the Committee as necessary,
as would Vice President Humphrey and Goldberg.
Secretary Fowler discussed briefly the effect of hostilities
on the money markets of the world. In sum, he felt there was nothing
to indicate any massive movement of funds. He said we were not interfering.
At the President's request for comment, Mr. Bundy said
the following about his new assignment. He would be in familiar company
and would do his best. He needed the help of people who had been working
in the crisis and would require the support of a small staff. He knew
his job was primarily to take the best possible advantage of work already
going on.
Secretary Rusk concluded by suggesting that there be
a meeting of the new committee at 6:30 p.m.
H.H.S.
195. Memorandum From the President's Special Assistant
(Rostow) to President Johnson/1/
Washington, June 7, 1967, 3:55 p.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. 3. No classification marking.
A handwritten notation on the memorandum indicates it was received at
4:07 p.m., and seen by the President.
Mr. President:
Herewith a plea from Mrs. Krim./2/
/2/An unsigned summary of a message from Mathilde Krim,
June 7, is attached. It states that there was still resentment in the
Jewish community over the McCloskey statement; there were reports of
anti-American feelings in Israel because Israelis felt they had won
the war not with the United States but in spite of it; and there was
danger that a rally the next day in Lafayette Square would be an anti-Johnson,
rather than a pro-Israel demonstration. Mathilde and Arthur Krim recommended
a Presidential statement saying that the United States would not resume
relations with Nasser's government and calling for a peace conference
to establish a peace based on recognition of Israel by the Arab nations
as a member of the community of nations in the Middle East. A similar
message from Mathilde Krim had been sent to the President in a 1:25
p.m. memorandum from Marvin Watson. (Ibid., Appointment File, June 1967,
Middle East Crisis) The President read portions of it to Rusk during
a 2:42 p.m. telephone conversation. (Ibid., President's Daily Diary)
Arthur and Mathilde Krim were friends of the President and leading Democratic
Party activists.
When I talked to Abe Feinberg and gave him your points,
his response was much the same: he couldn't be more loyal, but the average
U.S. Zionist doesn't understand.
One thing to consider is letting it be known how intensively
you worked on the Russians. Without going into any details whatsoever--and
never mentioning the hot line--I suggested the importance of your role
in the outcome to: Max Frankel, Joe Kraft, and Joe Alsop today.
Lord knows what they'll say tomorrow!!
Walt
196. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy
in Israel/1/
Washington, June 7, 1967, 5:42 p.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Secret; Flash. Drafted
and approved by Davies. Repeated to Amman, Moscow, London, Paris, Jerusalem,
USUN, CINCSTRIKE, COMSIXTHFLT, CINCEUR, and DIA.
208985. You should make strongest presentation of dangerous
situation so graphically portrayed in Amman's 4128/2/ to highest available
level GOI. You should stress influx refugees to East Bank and rapid
disintegration Jordan security forces now constitute real threat to
regime and to large American and foreign community in Jordan. We are
taking action with Eban/3/ but you should make most vigorous plea for
Israeli acceptance cease-fire offer and immediate public notice this
action./4/
/2/Telegram 4128 from Amman, June 7, reported that
Prime Minister Juma had told an Embassy officer that the Jordanian army
on the West Bank was retreating on foot and under fire. Juma charged
that there had been continuous, massive Israeli violations of the cease-fire
for the preceding 18 hours. He said the Jordanians were convinced the
Israelis had agreed to the cease-fire to entrap the Jordanian army,
and the U.S. failure to stop the attack raised serious doubts as to
U.S. intentions. He said that 150 Israeli tanks were moving through
northern Israel toward the Jordan border, apparently en route to Syria,
and if they crossed the border, Jordan would have no choice but to resist.
He declared that unless Israeli attacks ceased immediately there was
"no hope for the Jordan regime or for any further American influence
in the country," and he pleaded that the President take immediate
action. Burns commented that if the United States could not stop the
Israeli military action, the 1,200 Americans in Amman and on the West
Bank could be subject to mob violence, and the regime would probably
be unable to protect them. (Ibid.)
/3/Goldberg reported in telegram 5650 from USUN, June
7, that he had contacted Eban in the late afternoon and urged him to
ensure an immediate cease-fire. Eban said he understood that orders
to this effect had been given shortly after 4 p.m. Eastern time but
that he would contact Tel Aviv to be certain they were being carried
out. (Ibid.) Goldberg called Rusk at 8:05 p.m. and said Rafael had just
stated the Israelis were sending a letter to the Secretary-General announcing
that a cease-fire with Jordan was in effect. (Notes of telephone conversation,
June 7; ibid., Rusk Files: Lot 72 D 192, Telephone Calls
/4/Barbour reported in telegram 4003 from Tel Aviv,
June 8, that he had made the representations requested in telegram 208985,
even though word of the cease-fire made them out of date. (Ibid., Central
Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR)
Rusk
197. Notes of a Meeting of the Special Committee of
the National Security Council/1/
Washington, June 7, 1967, 6:30 p.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
NSC Special Committee Files, Minutes and Notes. No classification marking.
The meeting was held from 6:32 to 7:55 p.m.; the President left the
meeting from 7:03 to 7:32 p.m. Rusk arrived 10 minutes late because
he had been on Capitol Hill. (Johnson Library, President's Daily Diary)
The notes are Saunders' handwritten notes of the meeting. The only formal
records of the Special Committee meetings are memoranda for the record
summarizing the committee's decisions, drafted by Saunders and based
on his notes. Very brief notes of the meetings by Helms are in Central
Intelligence Agency Files, DCI Files: Job 80-B01285A, Box 11, Folder
12, DCI (Helms) Miscellaneous Notes of Meetings, 1 Jan 1966-31 Dec 1968.
[Those present]
[THOSE PRESENT]
President
Sisco
McNamara
Battle
Fowler
Clifford
Rusk
W.W. Rostow
Katzenbach
McG. Bundy
Wheeler
Saunders
Helms
Katz: Jordanian problem
VOA team
McGB's Other reasons.
Wh. Iraqi brigade. One reason Israelis fired up is
to get at Iraqi & Egypt. troops.
150 Israeli tanks (brigade) crossed & heading toward
Damascus.
Egyptian commandos
Iraqi troops
Eilat cutoff
Get at Syrians
Pr: Want to take most competent people in & outside
small working group to det. what probs are & what needs be done.
Perhaps some help in solving probs of Viet. Russian Am. trouble--trade
out. But enough probs ahead.
Want regular meetings initially--decisions to this
meeting--ahead of anything else. Not anything else more important.
McGB. Sparkplug. When he speaks, he speaks for me.
McGB: Ongoing work.
Special requirements just down road./2/
/2/"This is more operational than I had judged
from first talk." is written in the margin next to the three points
below.
1. Continuing intelligence assessment of--not just
tanks--but of attitudes in ME to what's going on. DCI (ways of asking
questions: what are people now likely to think.) Keep on top of pol.
thinking without getting in way of day to day business.
2. Keeping depts. in touch in economic relationship.
--Solomon: oil coord.
--Deming: money link
--Walter Levy
--Bator.
3. Information coordination: pressures to say I'll
be in touch with Depts.
Marks
Christian
B--
Not deal with day-to-day fires.
1 [4]. How we & USSR relate to one another. Short-run
picture not appetizing.
DR: Congr.: Get on Israeli bandwagon. Isr. success.
Resupply problem. We sympathetic to Israel's needs.
Israel will be in with bills, we ought to meet.
Leading questions:
1. West Bank
2. Seize & operate Canal.
Divided opinion on how deal with those that have broken
[relations].
--Withdraw charge before we resume.
Relieved that we didn't have to get military involved.
No criticism except on "neutrality"--Javits.
No blank check--Jav., R. Kenn.
Sym: give our airmen in Viet some freedom.
Pr.: What will bill be?
Wh. 800 op tanks left.
Damascus: Phase III. Balance has changed.
Sources of supply.
Fr.--acft
Br.--art
US--tanks
Switz.
DR: Morse: close: force prev. resupply Arabs.
Pr: [Illegible.] Viet. Sovs?
Pr: Sovs. Rebuild.
Helms: Sovs have taken awful prestige blow. These come
pretty hard.
a. Sovs going to come back hard.
b. Leadership could be affected.
c. It didn't read sit. in Viet. any better than ME.
--No rocket rattling (1956, 8)
--Does this strengthen moderates or Hawks?
CPs in ME dead.
Arab reaction in UN.
Missile crisis--Test Ban Peacemaker./3/
/3/"Cld they retrieve by delivering in Viet or
NE." is written next to these points.
DR: We can't make Isr. accept puny settlement.
Arms: Sov. arms limitation bureaucracy.
NY: Linking withdrawal to peace settlement.
Isr: GAA: badly when face Arabs together. Remember
1949./4/
/4/The words "Hussein. [Illegible.] Viable? Alternatives"
appear in the margin.
Refugees & pol. desolation.
Paradox: now they have 700,000 refugees.
Strong group.
Mtg, late in day.
Wkdays at 6:30, always stop before. Sit. room.
Sats at 11:00. (Not commit to this Saturday yet)
DR: Policy questions urgent:
1. Do we coop. with multilat. agencies, WFP, WHO, FAO,
UNWRA./5/
/5/"$14 m. cash. $8 m. kind." is written
in the margin next to this point.
--surly view.
McGB: prepare good just.
2. Gin up supplementary emergency problems.
McN--Egypt on the ropes.
Fowler--Econ. rehab. prog. for Egypt. Can't do it for
Nasser.
WWR: Regional development bank. Unleash Gene Black.
Break Nasser.
--Special reg. fund in World Bank.
--Mil. Coup?
Katz: Med. aid.
--Appropr. Hard to get fr. Congr.
--UNWRA.
--Pressure to cut UNWRA.
UN: How to handle tactical problem.
[illegible]: What about UAR?--Pres. of Sec. Council
& SYG to go out.
Arms: Our 155's that shelled./6/
/6/"Where we have control we have acted."
is written next to the points on arms. Bundy's June 8 memorandum for
the record recording decisions at the June 7 meeting includes only one
point, which reads as follows: "After discussing the importance
of keeping close watch on our shipments of military equipment to Arab
countries, it was agreed that we must be able to demonstrate that we
have acted to halt shipments over which we still have control. We can
do nothing about those shipments now on the high seas (many of which
have already passed to the recipients' title) and should prepare a good
brief explaining our allowing them to proceed." (Johnson Library,
National Security File, NSC Special Committee Files, Minutes and Notes)
Pr.: Not going to be blackmailed.
Stop arms to Arabs; resupply Isr.
Cliff.: Good case on past shipments. Defy anyone make
good case.
198. Memorandum From Larry Levinson and Ben Wattenberg
of the White House Staff to President Johnson/1/
Washington, June 7, 1967, 7:45 p.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, Appointment File, June
1967, Middle East Crisis. Confidential. A handwritten "L"
on the memorandum indicates the President saw it. The President called
Levinson at 8:40 p.m. and said he had received the memorandum and was
disappointed in some of his Israeli friends and their reactions to what
was being done during the crisis. (Johnson Library, President's Daily
Diary)
We talked to David Brody of the Anti-Defamation League
of the B'nai B'rith, and he reported this reaction from the Jewish community
in America:
Monday there was sharp disillusion and dismay at the
McCloskey statement concerning "neutrality in word, thought, and
deed." The row-back by Secretary Rusk did not fully catch up with
the original statement--certainly not among the Jewish rank-and-file
(who hissed at a Union meeting in New York Monday when the "neutrality"
statement was announced). The Jewish leadership understands that the
statement was not your policy, but they feel that it did indicate to
them a real feeling in the State Department--that Israel was just another
country on the map and that there was little concern for the humanity
of the situation there.
On the other hand, they are pleased so far with the
American position in the U.N. regarding the cease-fire, and the fact
that no withdrawal was stipulated, and, of course, they are highly pleased
with the military turn of events.
The major concern today among Jewish leaders now is
this: that Israel, apparently having won the war, may be forced to lose
the peace--again (as in 1956). They were concerned that the U.N. would
attempt to sell Israel down the river--and that only the U.S. could
prevent that. Today, that is what American Jews are looking to the President
for: assurances of a real, guaranteed, meaningful peace in the Middle
East, and that Israel not be forced to a roll-back as they were by the
Dulles-Eisenhower position in 1956.
(Brody feels that Israel will not withdraw from some
parts of the newly occupied territory no matter who demands what.)
There will be a mass meeting of American Jews tomorrow
at 2:00 p.m. in Lafayette Park. Brody thought it would clear the air
and help your position with the Jewish community if you sent a message
to the gathering. Brody believes that if you do send a message it ought
to stress the "peace, justice and equity" theme of your Tuesday
statement, ought not to mention "territorial integrity," ought
to dramatize your personal understanding and depth of feeling for the
humanity involved and your desire to see a lasting and permanent peace
in the Middle East.
Events are moving very rapidly--but as of this hour,
from a domestic political point of view, it seems to us that this would
be a highly desirable action. It would neutralize the "neutrality"
statement and could lead to a great domestic political bonus--and not
only from Jews. Generally speaking, it would seem that the Mid-East
crisis can turn around a lot of anti-Viet Nam anti-Johnson feeling,
particularly if you use it as an opportunity to your advantage.
199. Telegram From the Joint Chiefs of Staff to the
Commander in Chief, European Command (Lemnitzer)/1/
Washington, June 8, 1967, 0110Z.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. 7, Appendix H. Top Secret; Immediate.
Repeated Immediate to CNO, CINCLANT, CINCLANTFLT, CINCUSNAVEUR, COMSIXTHFLT,
CTF 64, USS LIBERTY, HQ-NSAEUR, NSAEUR OFF GERMANY, DIRNSA, DIRNAVSECGRU,
ADIRNAVSECGRU, DIRNAVSECGRULANT, DIRNAVSECGRUEUR.
7347. Subj: USS Liberty (U).
Refs: a. JCS 7337/072230Z Jun 67;/2/ b. COMSIXTHFLT
071503Z Jun 67 (Notal)./3/
/2/JCS telegram 7337 to USCINCEUR, 072230Z Jun 67,
modified the instructions in JCS 6724 (Document 118) to provide that
the Liberty should approach no closer than 20 NM to the UAR and 15 NM
to Israel. (Johnson Library, National Security File, NSC Histories,
Middle East Crisis, Vol. 7, Appendix H)
/3/Document 192.
1. (U) Cancel ref a.
2. (TS) Reg Liberty comply new op areas defined last
sentence para 2 ref b, until further notice, i.e., not closer than 100
NM to Israel, Syria, Egypt and 25 NM to Cyprus./4/
/4/The U.S.S. Liberty did not receive this message.
See Document 217.
200. Circular Telegram From the Department of State
to Certain Posts/1/
Washington, June 7, 1967, 9:41 p.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 17 US-ARAB. Confidential; Immediate.
Drafted by Bergus and Rusk, cleared by Palmer and Davies, and approved
by Rusk. Sent to Algiers, Baghdad, Damascus, Khartoum, Nouakchott, and
Beirut and repeated to Bujumbura, Conakry, Bamako, Rabat, Mogadiscio,
Dar es Salaam, and Tripoli.
209138. 1. Chief of Mission should approach FonOff
soonest and state he under high level instruction make following points:
a. USG regrets fact host government has chosen break
diplomatic relations with US.
b. History will record fact that basis for breaking
relations is utterly false allegation that USG participated as belligerent
in hostilities on side of Israel. We wish make it of record that USG
did not initiate break. We wish also to record our readiness to see
relations fully restored when host government and we agree that a basis
exists for normalizing relations.
c. We need to know in some detail what host government
has in mind about arrangements now to be contemplated. These might range
from a limitation to a mutual recall of ambassadors all the way to a
complete withdrawal of all official personnel on both sides.
d. In this connection Ambassador may wish to point
out that discussion of post-break diplomatic representation is going
on between Washington and Cairo in dignified and responsible manner
and on basis reciprocity. Egyptians have accepted the maintenance of
a number of diplomatic officers and supporting administrative personnel
as part of embassy of mutually agreed third power. Egyptians have also
agreed re maintenance of our consulates in Alexandria and Port Said.
From expressions received from Egyptian FonOff officials, it is clear
UAR wishes to avoid total rupture of all means of official communication
between our two governments. Despite current status US-UAR relations,
there is mutual interest in both governments in retaining contact on
basis dignity and reciprocity.
Rusk
201. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy
in Israel/1/
Washington, June 8, 1967, 3:38 a.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Secret; Flash. Drafted
and approved by Brewer of the NEA Task Force. Repeated Flash to Amman
and USUN.
209172. 1. Embassy Amman has just reported Israeli
armored battalion crossed Mundesseh Bridge (opposite Wadi Shuaib) at
0530 Zulu June eight. Israelis also reportedly shelling Jordanian position
at Ramtha in recent hours. King and Prime Minister frantically demanding
why GOI violating cease-fire in this fashion./2/
/2/Burns reported this in telegram 4134 from Amman,
also sent as Critic 1 from Amman, both dated June 8. (Ibid.)
2. Request you immediately contact highest available
Israeli official to convey foregoing and stress we believe cease-fire
must be entirely observed lest Jordanian regime disintegrate immediately
which we assume not an Israeli objective. We had understood Israel had
accepted cease-fire and that it was effective on June seven at 2000GMT
June 7. Continued firing would clearly call in question Israel representative's
June seven letter to UNSC President in foregoing sense.
3. Report results Flash, repeated to Amman./3/
/3/Barbour reported in telegram 4002 from Tel Aviv,
June 8, that on the basis of Amman's telegram 4134, he had urged the
Foreign Office to check with the Israeli command, which replied the
report was not correct; there was no Israeli force on the East Bank,
the Israelis had no intention of putting forces there or advancing from
their West Bank positions, and no Israeli shelling was going on. (Ibid.)
Rusk
202. President's Daily Brief/1/
Washington, June 8, 1967.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. 6, Appendix A. Top Secret; [codeword
not declassified]. Regarding the release of this PDB, see footnote 1,
Document 151.
Arab States-Israel (As of 5:00 AM EDT)
The UN's ceasefire order is being disregarded. Egypt
has officially announced it will not comply, and Nasir has personally
so informed most other Arab governments. The Israelis may have broken
their ceasefire agreement with Jordan.
Early this morning the Jordanian prime minister told
our embassy that Israeli tanks were moving into northwestern Jordan.
The ultimate aim of such a movement might be to attack Syria. The embassy
also says fighting on the Israeli-Jordanian front picked up during the
night. [3 lines of source text not declassified]
On the Sinai Peninsula, the Israelis have apparently
accomplished most of their military objectives. Yesterday the Israelis
approached the Suez Canal so rapidly that they probably cut off the
major portion of the retreating Egyptians.
Embassy Cairo believes that public realization of the
Arab defeat has generated strong feeling against Nasir, and foreign
diplomats in Cairo consider the Egyptians are in a state of panic over
the military debacle. [3 lines of source text not declassified] Senior
Iraqi officials in New York are said to believe Nasir is desperate and
might do almost anything to maintain his position.
Mobs in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, have damaged US installations,
and our consulate in Aleppo has been attacked and burned. As the extent
of the defeat sinks into the Arab countries, danger to US citizens still
there may increase. Refugees from the fighting in Jordan's West Bank
are already streaming into Amman, where they could cause disorder directed
at Americans.
LATE ITEM
Arab States-Israel (As of 5:30 AM EDT)
The Israelis have just announced (according to the
press) that Egyptian armored forces have counterattacked "in force"
in an effort to fight their way out of the Sinai Peninsula. This could
refer to Egyptian troops trapped in the rapid Israeli advance.
203. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy
in Israel/1/
Washington, June 8, 1967, 6:31 a.m.
/1/Source: National Archives and Records Administration,
RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27 ARAB-ISR. Secret; Flash. Drafted
and approved by Brewer and cleared by Katzenbach. Repeated Priority
to Amman, Athens, Beirut, Damascus, Jerusalem, London, USUN, and CINCSTRIKE.
209182. Ref: Jerusalem 1053./2/
/2/Telegram 1053 from Jerusalem, June 8, reported that
at 1000 local time, UNTSO stated that the Israelis had just launched
an intensive air and artillery bombardment of Syrian positions opposite
the central demilitarized zone, as an apparent prelude to a large-scale
attack in an effort to seize the heights overlooking the border kibbutzim.
(Ibid.)
UNTSO report reftel deeply disturbing. You should urgently
approach Fonoff at highest level to express deep concern this new indication
military action by GOI. If reported bombardment correct, we would assume
it prelude to military action against Syrian positions on Syrian soil.
Such a development, following on heels Israeli acceptance SC cease-fire
resolution would cast doubts on Israeli intentions and create gravest
problems for USG representatives in Arab countries. You should stress
we must at all costs have complete cessation Israeli military action
except in cases where clearly some replying fire is necessary in self-defense./3/
/3/Barbour replied in telegram 4007 from Tel Aviv,
June 8, that he was raising the matter and expressing concern in accordance
with telegram 209182, but he noted that Syrian shelling of the kibbutzim
and settlements below the Syrian heights had been continuous and incessant,
with continuous threat to their populations. He commented that he would
not be surprised if an Israeli attack took place or had already done
so. (Ibid.)
Rusk
204. Editorial Note
On June 8, 1967, at 8:03 a.m. Eastern Daylight Time
(1203Z; p.m. local time), the U.S.S. Liberty was attacked and hit by
unidentified jet fighters, which made six strafing runs. Twenty minutes
later the ship was attacked by three torpedo boats. One torpedo hit
the starboard side. At the time, the Liberty was heading northwest in
international waters, a little more than 13 nautical miles from the
Sinai coast, approximately 25 miles northwest of El Arish. (Proceedings,
U.S. Navy Court of Inquiry; Naval Historical Center, Operational Archives
Branch, Immediate Office Files of the Chief of Naval Operations, 1969
Files, Box 110, Liberty Incident, 8 June 1967, Court of Inquiry; Chronology
of Events, Naval Security Group File on U.S.S. Liberty; Naval Security
Group Files, Box 702, CNSG Pre-76 Inactive Files 168, NAVSECGRU File
on U.S.S. Liberty) At 1235Z, a message from the U.S.S. Saratoga to the
Commander in Chief, U.S. Naval Forces, Europe, repeated to the Commander,
Sixth Fleet, relayed a message from the Liberty: "I am under attack.
My posit 31.23N 33.25E. I have been hit. Request immed assistance."
(Telegram 081235Z from U.S.S. Saratoga to CINCUSNAVEUR, June 8 Naval
Historical Center, Operational Archives Branch, U.S.S. Liberty Incident,
Message File, Vol. II)
At 1250Z, the Commander, Sixth Fleet, ordered the U.S.S.
America to launch four armed A4s, with fighter cover and tankers, which
were to proceed to 31-23N 33-25E to defend the Liberty, and the Saratoga
to launch four armed A1s with the same mission. (Telegram 081250Z from
COMSIXTHFLT to USS Saratoga and USS America, June 8; ibid.) At 1316Z
the Commander, Task Force 60, reiterated the order to the America and
the Saratoga, adding, "Defense of USS Liberty means exactly that.
Destroy or drive off any attackers who are clearly making attacks on
Liberty. Remain over international waters. Defend yourself if attacked."
(Telegram 081316Z from CTF 60 to USS America and USS Saratoga, June
8; ibid.) At 9:11 a.m. (1311Z), the Commander in Chief, European Command,
notified the National Military Command Center by telephone that the
Liberty was under attack, had been hit by a torpedo, and was listing
to starboard. (See Document 219.)
Information concerning the U.S.S Liberty and its mission
is in William D. Gerhard and Henry W. Millington, Attack on a Sigint
Collector, the U.S.S. Liberty (National Security Agency/Central Security
Service, 1981), in National Security Agency, Center for Cryptologic
History Historical Collection, Series VIII, Crisis Files, Box 16. Files
of message traffic pertaining to the Liberty are in the Naval Historical
Center, Operational Archives Branch, U.S.S. Liberty Incident, Message
File; ibid., Immediate Office Files of the Chief of Naval Operations,
1969 Files, Box 113; National Security Agency, Center for Cryptologic
History Historical Collection, Series VIII, Crisis Files, Box 16; ibid.,
NSA Archives, Accession No. 45981, U.S.S. Liberty Correspondence and
Messages, 1965-1968; and Naval Security Group Files, Box 896, U.S.S.
Liberty Pre-76 Inactive Files, Box 1, USS Liberty 5750/4, Chronological
Message File.
205. Memorandum From the President's Special Assistant
(Rostow) to President Johnson/1/
Washington, June 8, 1967, 9:50 a.m.
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National Security File,
NSC Histories, Middle East Crisis, Vol. 3. No classification marking.
A handwritten "L" on the memorandum indicates the President
saw it. Rostow telephoned the President at 9:49 a.m. This memorandum
apparently confirmed information Rostow had given him in that telephone
conversation. At 10 a.m., Johnson telephoned Secretary McNamara. (Johnson
Library, President's Daily Diary) No record has been found of either
of these conversations.
Mr. President:
We have a flash report from the Joint Reconnaissance
Center indicating that a U.S. elint (electronics intelligence) ship,
the Liberty, has been torpedoed in the Mediterranean. The ship is located
60-100 miles north of Egypt./2/
/2/At 10:15 a.m., National Security Agency Director
General Marshall S. Carter telephoned Naval Security Group Director
Captain Cook to request that he telephone Secretary McNamara with information
about the Liberty and the number of personnel aboard. At 10:30 a.m.,
Deputy Naval Security Group Director Captain Thomas briefed McNamara
by telephone about the Liberty, its mission, its location, and the personnel
aboard. McNamara asked whether the Joint Chiefs of Staff had directed
the ship's withdrawal to 100 miles from shore. Thomas could not confirm
this. (Chronology of Events, Naval Security Group File on U.S.S Liberty,
Naval Security Group Files, Box 702, CNSG Pre-76 Inactive Files 168,
NAVSECGRU File on USS Liberty)
Reconnaissance aircraft are out from the 6th fleet.
We have no knowledge of the submarine or surface vessel
which committed this act.
We shall keep you informed.
Walt
Sources: Foreign Relations, 1964-1968, Volume XIX, Arab-Israeli Crisis
and War, 1967, U.S.
Department of State |