Remarks on First Anniversary of the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty
(March 23, 1980)
THE PRESIDENT. This is another fine day. Ambassador
Ghorbal, Ambassador Evron, friends of my country and of Israel and of
Egypt, it's a pleasure to have you back with us.
A year ago, many of you joined us here at the White
House for a thrilling moment: the signing of a peace treaty between
Egypt and Israel. We stood in the bright spring sunshine, filled with
a hope of a new beginning for a nation which I love here and for two
nations in a region which had long been at war.
We knew the difficulties ahead, yet we were exhilarated
by the prospects for peace. We watched the leaders of two great peoples
who had long been enemies embrace each other and embark on a new and
a promising relationship—two men of courage, President Anwar Sadat
and Prime Minister Menahem Begin. They astonished the world. They had
silenced for awhile the voices of cynicism and hatred and despair. They
had done the impossible. They had achieved peace.
That day culminated a year and a half of patient and
often very difficult negotiations following President Sadat's historic
visit to Jerusalem. I remember the moment at Camp David—it was
a Sunday afternoon—when we suddenly knew that peace was possible.
And I remember the moment in Cairo, following my visit to Jerusalem,
when we were able to proclaim to the world that a treaty between these
two great nations was at last within our reach, and then the ceremony
here, bringing to an end 30 years of war.
Prime Minister Begin spoke to all of us that day: "Peace
unto you," he said. "Shalom, salaam forever." Many things
have happened since that day almost exactly a year ago, things which
once seemed even beyond dreaming. The borders have been opened. Ambassadors
have been exchanged between the two countries, based on full diplomatic
recognition. Ordinary citizens have become sightseers in a neighboring
land from which they had long been completely excluded. It's no longer
harder to travel between Tel Aviv and Cairo than it is between Tel Aviv
or Cairo and New York. Israelis and Egyptians in all walks of life have
clasped each other's hands on the streets of Jerusalem and in Cairo,
Alexandria and Tel Aviv, in friendship.
Israel has returned a large part of the Sinai to Egypt,
and Egypt has accelerated the normalization process even faster than
we had envisioned a year ago. The doubters had history on their side,
for these things had never happened before. Yet the practical dreamers
also had history on their side as well, for now it has been proven that
we need not repeat old patterns of hatred and death, of suffering and
distrust.
Benjamin Franklin, who negotiated the treaty with England
following the American Revolution, said that he had never seen a peace
made, however advantageous, that was not censured as inadequate. No
treaty can possibly embody every aim of any particular party to a treaty.
What a treaty can do, through negotiation and compromise, is to protect
the vital interests of each of the parties involved. That's what was
done here 12 months ago.
We all know that our work is incomplete until the peace
can be extended to include all who have been involved in the conflict
of the past in the Middle East. We must prove to all people in the Middle
East that this peace between Egypt and Israel is not a threat to others,
but a precious opportunity.
When I stood before the Knesset at a moment when it
seemed that the peace treaty prospects had reached an impasse, Prime
Minister Begin reminded us that this must be a peace not of months and
years, but forever. We've come to the first year. We must now look at
the world as it is and find ways to continue living in peace with one
another.
This treaty between Egypt and Israel is only one step
on the way to a comprehensive peace throughout this troubled region.
At Camp David, President Sadat, Prime Minister Begin, and I agreed on
a second step, which is now underway: negotiations to provide full autonomy
to the inhabitants of the West Bank and Gaza. That concept offers a
first real hope for keeping our common pledge—a pledge made by
all three of us—to resolve the Palestinian problem in all its
aspects while fully protecting the security and the future of Israel.
The autonomy talks will lead to a transitional arrangement.
Further negotiations will be required after 3 years or so to determine
the final status of the West Bank and Gaza. Egypt, Israel, and the United
States are now committed to the success of this course that we set for
ourselves at Camp David, a course based on these accords and on United
Nations Resolutions 242 and 338. As we all three pledged at Camp David,
through these current negotiations Israel can gain increased security,
and the Palestinians can participate in the determination of their own
future and achieve a solution which recognizes their legitimate rights.
For the past 10 months our negotiators have done the
patient work of defining these difficult issues. As we meet today, Ambassador
Sol Linowitz is in Israel, and he will soon be going to Egypt to help
move the talks forward. And next month I will be meeting here with President
Sadat and with Prime Minister Begin. It's time for us to review the
progress that we've made so far and to discuss the way to move forward
even faster. These two summit meetings are not meant to replace the
negotiators who have worked so hard and have come so far, but to help
them to expedite their vital work. I look forward to seeing these two
men once again. They are my friends.
In the 13 days at Camp David and the meetings I've
had with them before and since, I've come to know them well. Both the
men have deep religious convictions. Both are men whose personal sense
of the history of their own nations has shaped their lives since early
childhood. It should never be forgotten that after a generation of unsuccessful
efforts engaging the talents of a legion of fine statesmen, it took
courage and vision to create this first major step toward peace. It
will also require courage and vision—perhaps even more—and
a commitment to fulfill not only the letter but the spirit of the Camp
David accords and to realize our dreams of a permanent peace.
The period between now and the completion of the talks
will certainly not be easy as we work to resolve some of the most complex
and emotional issues in the entire world. Both Egypt and Israel will
now be facing difficult decisions in making an effort to answer difficult
questions, and they will need patience and understanding—theirs
and also ours. Yet in the resolution of these questions lies a great
promise for achieving the comprehensive peace which is coveted by Egypt,
Israel, the United States, and all people of good will everywhere.
The United States will continue to work patiently and
constructively with both Egypt and Israel as a full partner in the negotiations.
These negotiations presently ongoing are the road to peace. They can
succeed. They must succeed.
Let me make one thing clear. Domestic politics cannot
be allowed to create timidity or to propose obstacles or delay or to
subvert the spirit of Camp David, nor to imply a lack of commitment
to reach our common goal. This is time when we must continue that political
vision that made possible the treaty which we celebrate today. As Prime
Minister Begin said here last year, "Now is the time for all of
us to show civil courage in order to proclaim to our peoples and to
others: No more war, no more bloodshed, no more bereavement."
At Camp David, we invited others to adhere to the framework
of peace and to join in the negotiations. The negotiations must be based
on a commonly accepted foundation. As these talks move forward, let
me reaffirm two points. We will not negotiate with the Palestinian Liberation
Organization, nor will we recognize the PLO unless it accepts Resolutions
242 and 338 and recognizes Israel's right to exist. And we oppose the
creation of an independent Palestinian state.
The United States, as all of you know, has a warm and
a unique relationship of friendship with Israel that is morally right.
It is compatible with our deepest religious convictions, and it is right
in terms of America's own strategic interests. We are committed to Israel's
security, prosperity, and future as a land that has so much to offer
to the world. A strong Israel and a strong Egypt serve our own security
interests.
We are committed to Israel's right to live in peace
with all its neighbors, within secure and recognized borders, free from
terrorism. We are committed to a Jerusalem that will forever remain
undivided, with free access to all faiths to the holy places. Nothing
will deflect us from these fundamental principles and commitments which
I've just outlined.
As you all know, also, the United States has broadened
and has deepened its valuable friendship with Egypt, the largest and
the most powerful and the most influential Arab nation on Earth. President
Sadat, with his heroism; has brought about profound changes not only
in the rest of the world but in Egypt's own internal life. And he has
made Egypt a leader among nations in the pursuit of peace. We support
Egypt's security and its well-being, and we will work with Egypt to
ensure a more prosperous and a peaceful life for the Egyptian people.
As President Sadat said at this house a year ago: "Let
there be no more wars or bloodshed between Arabs and Israelis. Let there
be no more suffering or denial of rights. Let there be no more despair
or loss of faith. Let no mother lament the loss of her child. Let no
young man waste his life on a conflict from which no one benefits. Let
us work together until the day comes when they beat their swords into
plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks."
Isaiah, in Chapter 42 in the Bible, says of a great
servant of God, "A bruised reed he will not break; a dimly burning
wick he will not quench . . . I have given you, as a covenant to the
people, a light to the nations to open the eyes that are blind."
Today, as the earth is reborn in springtime after a
long winter, we lift high that dimly burning wick of peace before the
nations of the world. In its light all can see that, amid the disappointment
and the dangers, mankind can still prevail against its own evils, against
its own past, against all the efforts that would separate us one from
another and make us enemies. We must not be mean nor stingy nor lacking
in courage. We must not betray the trust of those whose faith is in
us.
Down through the centuries the children of Abraham
have spoken daily of their longing for peace in their greetings. President
Sadat and Prime Minister Begin are children of Abraham, and they are
men of peace. I ask your prayers that full peace may yet be ours. I
pray that the dimly burning wick which we have lit may yet ignite a
blazing flame of peace that will light the world.
I and President Sadat and Prime Minister Begin join
in with you in our fervent prayer: Peace, shalom, salaam.
AMBASSADOR GHORBAL. Mr. President, Mrs. Carter:
It's a lovely occasion to be with you, Mr. President,
to rejoice at the first anniversary of the signing of the peace treaty.
Let me, first of all, convey to you, Mr. President,
President Sadat's warm greetings on this very happy occasion. He sends
you his appreciation and that of the people of Egypt for making the
day which we celebrate very elegant. He is looking forward to being
with you in Washington shortly.
I am sure we all recall fondly what took place on 26
March, 1979, when you gathered us on the North Lawn to mark an important
page in the history of the Middle East and indeed of the world. A year
has passed since three leaders—you, Mr. President, President Sadat,
and Prime Minister Begin—in that tri-handshake, opened a new era
of hope and peace.
Israeli ships have since crossed the canal as Israeli
forces started to withdraw from our land. Oil fields were released back
to Egypt as El Al planes landed in Cairo with Israeli tourists, receiving
a hearty welcome from our people. Ambassadors of Egypt and Israel presented
their credentials to the heads of state of Israel and Egypt, in fulfillment
of the peace treaty that you helped to bring about.
Yes, Mr. President, today is a joyful day, for who
could have believed that in such a short span of time all this could
have happened, and we live it daily.
Commitments by the parties have been diligently met
and by each deadline prescribed. Deep in my heart, Mr. President, I
feel that this will continue to be the yardstick for the road ahead
of us, and further deadlines will equally be met to bring further happiness,
not only to ourselves but foremost to those waiting impatiently to see
their rights honored, the Palestinian people.
President Sadat broke the barrier of distrust and carried,
in his visit to Jerusalem, the olive branch of peace. The people of
Israel, as many of us witnessed on the TV screen, received that messenger
of peace and hope in unprecedented welcome. But, Mr. President, it was
you, it was you who stepped in with no hesitation, indeed with full
dedication and courage, to bring the parties together at Camp David,
to sit with each side, to work with both, to join with your hand in
the drafting of what we finally celebrated on that Sunday evening at
the White House, the Camp David accords. Again, I recall how you not
only crossed Pennsylvania Avenue to Blair House to lunch with the three
delegations, on a most pleasant and southern note, to take stock of
progress at hand, to hear of the difficulties that lingered, but more
so, you have crossed, at short notice, the Atlantic, to both Egypt and
Israel, when deadlock risked the attainment of what we all were yearning
for. Again, with your perseverance and your dedication, you clinched
it all and brought everyone to that historic celebration on the North
Lawn to build the first edifice of peace in the Middle East.
Today, a stalemate looms on the talks to bring about
full autonomy for the Palestinian people in the West Bank and Gaza.
You step in and invite President Sadat and Prime Minister Begin for
talks to implement what you three already agreed upon. With a heavy
agenda of issues at home and problems abroad, you still devote your
time and energy to break a deadlock.
Mr. President, in this hour of happiness we cannot,
all of us, but remember foremost the Palestinian people, who, for a
very long period, have equally been yearning to reach their national
fulfillment. Full autonomy that allows them to live their lives and
direct their affairs in freedom and yet in peace with their neighbors
is the only way to go about it.
President Sadat, in his address of the signing ceremony
of the peace treaty, you may recall said, and I quote, "We must
be certain that the provisions of the Camp David framework and the establishment
of a self-governing authority with a full autonomy be carried out. There
must be a genuine transfer of authority to the Palestinians in their
land. Without that, the problem will remain unsolved."
With your permission, Mr. President, I wish to pay
tribute to Secretary of State Vance. His sense of justice, his patience
and warmth, his devotion to you and to peace has been of immeasurable
assistance to us all.
With such a record of success in Camp David in the
Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty, I am sure everyone shares with me the
conviction that you, Mr. President, will succeed again in the coming
round. In this, you can, as usual, count on our
unwavering support.
I thank you.
AMBASSADOR EVRON. Mr. President, Mrs. Carter, Ambassador
Ghorbal, distinguished guests:
I am happy, Mr. President, to bring to you today the
warm greetings of Prime Minister Begin and the people of Israel.
A year ago here in the White House, we cemented the
realization of a dream. Throughout the ages, from Biblical days to the
modern era of sovereignty and independence, the Jewish people have yearned
for peace. Yet our history is tattered with tales of suffering, struggle,
exile, and martyrdom. Our ancient land has been blessed all too rarely
by the fruits of peace.
We are at the outset of a road to a new age in our
region. Our success in making this promising beginning is due not only
to the faith and courage of our two peoples and their leaders, Prime
Minister Begin and President Sadat. What is often and rightly called
the treaty of Washington owes so much to the perseverance and dedication
of President Carter. His was the task of not allowing the two sides
to drift apart, of bridging gaps, of helping create the formula where
no common denominator existed, and of overcoming differences that at
times seemed irreconcilable.
And I want also to join at this moment in the tribute
paid by my colleague, Ambassador Ghorbal, to Secretary Vance. We all
respect and have the highest regard for him, and we have the deepest
appreciation of his personal contribution to the peace between us and
Egypt.
Thus, it is a treaty containing benefits and obligations
for all of us, for besides the vision of President Sadat and the initiative
of Prime Minister Begin and the great risks and heavy sacrifices that
he accepted on Israel's behalf, the United States undertook specific
and important commitments to ensure that peace can and will, in fact,
take hold. Notwithstanding the dangers and burdens involved, the Government
and the people of Israel are determined to continue the implementation
of the peace treaty and to carry out its obligations as defined in the
Camp David accords.
That delicately balanced but realistic formula, devised
with so much thought and patience, remains the sole framework within
which we can jointly achieve the goals we set for ourselves: peace with
Egypt, autonomy for the Palestinian Arab inhabitants of Judea, Samaria,
and Gaza, and eventually, a peace edifice encompassing all the countries
of our region.
We, in Israel, are confident that our two partners
in this historic venture will be equally true to the definition of Camp
David, for that is the only avenue by which we can keep the peace process
moving ahead and ensure tranquillity and stability to the Middle East.
Our neighbors should realize that hatred, threats, and war serve nothing,
but that negotiations leading to coexistence and friendly relations
with Israel are beneficial to all sides.
Looking at the world around us today, we find that
we live in that era when too often narrow, self-serving interests outweigh
the values that determine the greatness of nations. Let us—Americans,
Egyptians, Israelis reaffirm our resolve that we shall not be deflected
by anyone, be they old allies or known adversaries, from the path of
peace that we have chosen to follow.
We have made much progress during the year that has
passed. Much more remains to be done. Some of it will not be easy, and
there will be no helping hand other than that of the great American
democracy. It is in this spirit of renewed hope and dedication that
we look forward to the forthcoming meetings of you, Mr. President, with
President Sadat and Prime Minister Begin.
Mr. President, by hosting this impressive and yet so
human gathering to mark the anniversary of the first peace treaty, you
are, at once, renewing the commitment of all of us to it and showing
the world that good can triumph over evil. Thank you, President and
Mrs. Carter, for your gracious hospitality, and thank you all, colleagues
and friends, for helping to make this anniversary a memorable occasion.
Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT. Let me say just a word. I'm very sorry
that we don't have room for everyone to sit down; we had a larger crowd
than we had anticipated. But we would like to greet all of you personally,
so I've asked the two Ambassadors to join me, just outside in front
of the Blue Room. And we'd like to shake your hand as you go into the
other room for the reception, for some refreshments. And if you would
let us welcome you personally in that way, we would appreciate it.
We also need, as I said in the close of my statements,
your prayers. We have many difficult unresolved issues among us. All
three of us are determined not to fail, but we need the same kind of
spirit and the same kind of support that you added to us a year ago,
and then a year and a half ago, when we faced defeat, but came through
with victory. And I think we'll have peace in the Middle East if you'll
help us in every way.
Thank you.
Sources: Public Papers of the President |