U.S. Discussion of the Israeli-Palestinian Refugee
Conflict
(August 3, 1961)
This letter highlights the reluctance or U.S.
government officials to get involved in the Palestinian
refugee issue.
Nicosia, August 3, 1961.
Dear Armin: At our NEA Ambassadors' sessions we have
spent a good deal of time yesterday and today on the Palestine refugee
question. As you can imagine, several of the participants have fairly
strong views of the desirability and practicality of different courses
of action. Jack Jernegan, for example, feels so skeptical that any concrete
result can be achieved from an approach on the refugee question this
year and so sure of unfortunate efforts of an unsuccessful effort that
he would only very reluctantly support any initiative whatsoever. Several
of the others, while recognizing the over-all advantages of some initiative,
fear that a U.S. effort will have smaller prospect of success and be
potentially more damaging to our interests than an effort under U.N.
or other auspices. Nevertheless, the consensus was that we should make
a specific effort in the very near future to achieve some advance on
the UNRWA and other refugee issues.
Bob Strong and I explained to the group the efforts
that you and others have made to date and told of Ambassador Lindt's
bowing out after protracted consideration of the invitation to become
PCC Special Representative. We also explained Mr. Hammarskjold's evident
reluctance to involve U.N. prestige in refugee matters at this time.
Against these factors I pointed out the October 15th deadline for a
PCC report, and necessity of a debate on UNRWA at the 16th General Assembly,
and current Congressional interest in this whole topic.
After lengthy discussion yesterday afternoon had produced
the consensus that the U.S. should take some action despite the unfavorable
prognosis, I asked a sub-committee consisting of Ambassadors Barbour,
Hart and McClintock to draft a proposal for discussion by our full group
and reference to the Department. That proposal, presented this afternoon,
is attached hereto,/2/ along with supplementary explanatory comments
by Ambassador Hart./3/ You will be interested to know that in the discussion
of the draft several points emerged which will be pertinent to our further
consideration of the refugee question. Ambassador Barbour believes that
Israel would prefer no refugee plan this year but expects that the U.S.
will offer one and is now prepared to consider this issue apart from
other Arab-Israeli questions. Ambassador Macomber believes that Jordan
would be very disappointed if no refugee plan is offered this year but
that this proposal (like any other plan he can think of) will not be
liked in Jordan because it concedes the permanent existence of Israel
and King Hussein could accept this or any plan, Bill believes, only
if it had previously been endorsed by Nasser. Ambassador Badeau is uncertain
whether Nasser really wants a refugee settlement; he thinks the UAR
President's reactions may depend on his mood and feelings at the moment
the question arises. Even so, he feels that a proper approach to Nasser
is the obvious starting point.
Indeed, it is the unanimous view of the group that
nothing less than a face-to-face meeting of President Kennedy and President
Nasser could adequately test Nasser's willingness to negotiate a process
of repatriation, compensation and resettlement which the Israelis could
also accept. As you will see from the attached proposal, this is the
heart of the Ambassadors' thinking. If Presidents Kennedy and Nasser,
perhaps meeting at the time of the opening of the General Assembly,
could agree to proceed on some such plan as that here suggested, the
Ambassadors feel that Ben Gurion might be persuaded to act with some
flexibility as well, confirming the undertaking he gave President Kennedy
during their meeting in New York. The rest would flow therefrom.
You will recognize in the proposal several elements
that Ambassador McClintock has suggested more than once. As a rough
calculation he put forward UNRWA Director Davis' view that resettlement
could be achieved for a gross outlay averaging five thousand dollars
per family. This would presumably mean a billion dollars for the total
effort, a sum which he says he has mentioned to several visiting Senators
(including Gore and McGee) and Representatives without their blanching.
Personally, judging from the resettlement costs of refugees in India
and Pakistan and from the recollection of one of the Ambassadors that
Israel has calculated resettlement costs of 2500 dollars per family,
I would suspect the five thousand dollar estimate to be unrealistically
high. There is, however, no denying that money--McClintock calls it
baksheesh--would be the essential sweetener.
A good many other points came up in the discussion.
You will see them noted in the summary being prepared by Bob Strong./4/
Here it is enough for me to repeat that even though all of the Ambassadors
are rather doubtful that the proposed effort will in fact set in motion
a solution of the refugee question, all of them (Jernegan reluctantly)
believe it is better to make this effort than to face the General Assembly
without a record of having tried. You should also note their feeling
that the initial approaches have no prospect of success if undertaken
below the Presidential level. Quite apart from other reasons, the time
factor rules out any contacts by a special representative of the PCC
with Arab leaders between now and the opening of the General Assembly,
they believe.
This proposal and these comments will at least give
you and Harlan food for some thought. When Bob Strong's notes arrive
you will have some of the more particular suggestions. Beyond that,
everyone here agrees the plan would have to be considerably fleshed
out before being tried. Here on the island of Cyprus, where Ambassadors
away from their posts can let their minds roam, few things seem impossible,
and it is in this spirit that we submit this to you.
With best wishes,
Yours sincerely,
Phillips Talbot/5/
P.S. I should have emphasized that the Ambassadors
who drafted the proposal pointed out that they had worked under extreme
time pressure, and hoped that this factor would be taken into account
in the analysis of their drafting.
/1/Source: Department of State, NEA/IAI Files: Lot
70 D 229, Refugees REF 1 General Policy and Plans Jan-Aug 1961. Secret.
The source text is the copy sent to Thacher. Talbot was in Nicosia,
Cyprus, attending a Regional Operations Conference July 31-August 5.
The Conference was one of several regional meetings of U.S. Chiefs of
Mission held by Under Secretary of State Bowles. A briefing book prepared
for Talbot's use at the conference is ibid., NEA/NE Files: Lot 66 D
5, Briefing Materials for Meetings with Near East Ambassadors, Nicosia
Ambassadorial Conference. For an "Outline of NE Regional Problems
for Presentation at Under Secretary's Conference," see Supplement,
the regional compilation.
/2/Not attached to the source text, nor found elsewhere
in Department of State files.
/3/Attached but not printed.
/4/Document 92.
/5/Printed from a copy that bears this typed signature.
Sources: Foreign
Relations of the United States, 1961-1963: Near East, 1962-1963,
V. XVIII. DC: GPO,
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