Memorandum on the U.S. Israeli Security Guarantee
(September 20, 1963)
This is a memorandum from the Department of State Executive Secretary,
Read, to the President's Special Assistant for National Security Affairs,
McGeorge Bundy, proposing a reply to Prime
Minister Ben-Gurion's letter requesting a security guarantee for Israel.
Attached is a memorandum on an Israel Security Guarantee which Mr. Ball
has approved. He has suggested that we transmit it to you together with
a suggested Presidential reply to former Israel Prime Minister Ben-Gurion's
letter of May 12. We are also attaching the Department of Defense study
on this same subject.
On July 23 you suggested we tell the Israelis why we do not feel we
can go beyond your May 8 press conference statement in providing new
security assurances. We enclose a suggested letter to Prime Minister
Eshkol responding to Ben-Gurion's of May 12. If approved, we hope this
would conclude the current dialogue with the Israelis about more explicit
security arrangements. We consider this justified because:
1. Our public and private commitment to Israel's security is clear,
inter alia, from your December 1962 talk with Mrs. Meir, your April
26 letter to Ben-Gurion, your May 8 statement, and the present reply.
2. Arab leaders and the world at large are in no doubt as to this commitment,
and the Arabs contemplate no military attack on Israel at this time.
3. We concur generally in the view expressed in the enclosed study
by the Joint Chiefs that the United States has more than adequate military
force available for unilateral deployment to make good its pledge to
Israel. What Israel desires is what it sees as a political advantage
deriving from our open military support.
4. These factors aside, the present Near East balance favors Israel
and by Israel's own admission will continue to do so in the years immediately
ahead.
5. We have the entire security situation in the Near East under constant
study. If there were a change, serious threat of change, or material
weakness in Israel's defenses, we would be ready to take immediate measures.
6. The security arrangements Israel seeks with the United States would
in our judgment harm our interests in the area and weaken rather than
strengthen Israel's ultimate security.
a. Our carefully built influence with the Arab states would be set
back by the new bilateral arrangements Israel wants. This influence
is useful to us and to Israel both as a deterrent and in the constructive
sense of helping along those accommodations that we hope will ultimately
make possible Israel's acceptance in the area.
b. New United States arrangements with Israel could result in comparable
Soviet-Arab ties, bringing the Soviets back in, probably in a more permanent
and damaging fashion.
c. As a consequence of (b), impetus would be given to the area arms
race. Our capability to restrain this competition, which is moving into
more sophisticated weapons, would be reduced and probably eliminated.
d. One major reason for Israel's non-acceptance by its neighbors is
its foreignness; expanded ties with a foreign power would perpetuate
its isolation in the area.
7. We should retain freedom of decision and action in the Near East
to be able to deal decisively with aggression there from either disputant.
Advance security arrangements with Israel would tie our hands undesirably.
8. Our firm but sympathetic reply to the Israelis can best be made
now because:
a. The imminence of an encircling Arab unity which might be regarded
as threatening by Israel has so obviously receded since the Cairo declaration
of April 17. While current discord among the Arab states increases temptations
in some to pin-prick Israel, Arab capacity to cause damage to Israel
is correspondingly limited.
b. We have a fairly satisfactory reply regarding Dimona inspections.
Israel has signed the Test Ban Treaty. There is broad appreciation for
our stand in the Security Council's recent discussion of incidents on
the Israel-Syria border, and consequently a greater confidence that
we are prepared to act in Israel's interest. These circumstances create
a good atmosphere for frank and forth-right exposition of our views.
c. Our reply will fall in context with answers already received from
Prime Minister Macmillan and President de Gaulle. We know both have
answered negatively to Ben-Gurion's request.
In short, we propose that your letter again make clear our concern
for Israel's integrity, but convey our strong sense that there must
be a balance in our approach to the Near East and that we conceive this,
our present approach, as in Israel's best interests.
All available evidence indicates Israel has already anticipated a negative
reaction regarding the formal security guarantee and will now go on
to try to get alternatives such as joint military planning and assurance
of freer access to United States weaponry. Such alternatives might cause
difficulties as great or greater than the formal security guarantee.
The implications of each should be examined carefully when and if presented
by the Israelis.
Sources: Foreign
Relations of the United States, 1961-1963: Near East, 1962-1963,
V. XVIII. DC: GPO,
2000. |