Memorandum on Nasser Refusing to Make Compromises
(April 8, 1968)
A narrative of negotiations with King Hussein and Gamal Nasser. The account details
Nasser's unwillingness to compromise with Israel.
Dept pass Cairo. Subj: Jarring Mission.
Ref: 143077, 3214.
1. Summary: King Hussein called
me and Emboff to Palace evening 7th for briefing on
Jarring talks with Nasser. Only after several hours
of difficult discussion had he obtained Nasser's agreement
even to consider accepting the Jarring proposal. Catch
now is that Nasser insists Jarring must come up with
some alternate phraseology to substitute for "I have
invited the two govts to meet with me for conferences"
on March 10 proposal. Jordan and UAR therefore will
try to get Jarring to develop his own proposal along
lines "I plan to meet with representatives or delegates
of the parties in New York." Nasser is adamant that
meetings can be held only in New York and must be lowest
key possible. Abdul Munim Rifai stayed behind in Cairo
to join with UAR Fon-Min Riad in meeting with Jarring
on 8th.
2. King said his April 6-7 meetings
with Nasser had been the longest and most arduous he
had ever had with any leader. Jordanians had expected
some difficulties in these discussions but were stunned
by Nasser's opening position which was totally negative
to concept of any peaceful solution. As far as Jordanians
could see this position was shared by all of Nasser's
advisers. Nasser had begun by saying flatly that Jarring
Mission could not succeed, that only military solution
was feasible and that UAR military was therefore preparing
for that solution. Nasser repeatedly said Egyptian people
would not stand for the humiliation of dealing with
Israelis through Jarring in terms of latter's present
proposal. Nasser in fact considered Jarring's present
formula as "an American trick." He indicated to the
King a greater mistrust of US policy than ever and stressed
he is unwilling to resume diplomatic relations with
the US. According to Nasser he had just turned down
opportunity to restore relations and would continue
to do so.
3. Nasser told Hussein that six other Arab states have
stated to him they have not accepted the SC resolution and oppose a
political settlement. The six are Algeria, Syria, Sudan, Kuwait, South
Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Nasser said Faisal through Omar Saqqaf had just
urged him to agree to announce failure of the Jarring Mission. Hussein
observed parenthetically to me "Your friend Faisal is more opposed than
anyone to peaceful settlement."
4. King probed Nasser for indication to when UAR would
be ready to take Israel on militarily, if Nasser seriously meant that
the military alternative was the only one available to the Arabs. Nasser
said he would be ready "before eighteen months had lapsed." King then
countered with question how UAR proposed to help Jordan militarily since
Israeli attacks on Jordan are occurring right now. Nasser replied unfortunately
he was in no position to give any help. Jordanians thereupon reminded
Nasser he had told them he felt personally responsible for loss of West
Bank and was prepared to do anything possible to help King recover his
lost territory. King pressed this point home with comment "Now you say
no political solution and yet you cannot help us militarily." King said
he pointed out to Nasser that whether UAR liked it or not Jordan did
not intend to continue to bear alone the brunt of Israeli military attacks
and would call for assistance other Arab states, specifically UAR. Thus,
King continued, UAR would become involved militarily against Israel
but once again 'in circumstances where Israelis would be dictating the
time and place. This would undoubtedly mean another disastrous defeat
for the Arabs. King observed he thought this stage in discussion had
been turning point in his efforts to get Nasser to consider accepting
Jarring proposal. The two delegations thereupon settled down to review
Jarring's formula.
5. To Jordanians' surprise Nasser passed over the "to
devise arrangements" phrase without hesitation. This was point on which
GOJ had expected most trouble. King said he had reserved as his fallback
position insertion of phraseology "readiness to implement" but found
this was unnecessary. Nasser balked only at the penultimate sentence
of Jarring's formula and stated that call for meetings in way Jarring
proposed was "impossible".
6. Jordanians' first thought was that they must then
begin all over again with their argumentation. They pointed out that
the meeting with Israelis under Jarring's auspices was whole object
of exercise. Nasser countered with statement if he accepted Jarring's
"I have invited the two govts to meet with me for conferences," there
would be a "revolution in Egypt tomorrow." Nasser stated that Cyprus
as meeting place was out of the question. Jordanians then suggested
possibility of New York as meeting place. Nasser was intrigued with
this idea and, overriding the objections of some of his advisers, said
he could accept this and added New York would be the only place where
UAR could meet.
7. It was clear to the Jordanians that they had pushed
Nasser as far as was possible. They felt at conclusion of discussions
Nasser would stick to his position even though this put him in opposition
to some of his advisers including Mahmoud Riad who throughout the meetings
was particularly rigid and outspokenly anti-American. Nasser and Hussein
agreed that Abdul Munim Rifai would remain in Cairo to meet with Jarring
and Mahmoud Riad on Monday April 8. They would explain difficulty of
"inviting the two govts" and would urge Jarring to develop a substitute
phrasing of his own. Nasser indicated for example that he would not
object to Jarring saying he had "arranged to meet with representatives
(or delegates) of the parties in New York." Nasser also agreed with
Hussein that such meetings by no means need to be confined to permanent
UN representatives of the countries involved. What he could not accept
was a reference to "govts" or "conferences."
8. Hussein said he was convinced Nasser both fully
intends to proceed with "indirect talks" with Jarring and recognizes
that talks are necessary "to devise arrangements for implementations."
Hussein said as far as he is concerned he will send Abdul Munim Rifai
and or Dep PriMin Ahmad Touqan, together with other aides, to talk in
New York and will be prepared to move as fast as possible. Jordan's
al-Farra would not be GOJ representative.
9. After reviewing the foregoing, King Hussein said
"This really is our last chance. You must persuade the Israelis to keep
quiet and to go along with whatever Jarring proposes in place of the
present invitation to the govts." The King kept saying that "there will
be talks and they can be broadened later if we can only get the meetings
started." He also said that although Nasser and he remain adamant against
proceeding to a formal peace treaty, they had discussed various formulas
through which permanent and secure guarantees of a peaceful settlement
could be established- The King recognized the problem of proposing changes
in the present proposal. For that reason, Rifai and Riad would not propose
any specific language to Jarring but would explain the problem and try
to stimulate him to come up with language of his own that would solve
the problem for the Arabs and at the same time be acceptable to Israel
as Jarring's own ideas.
10. Comment: We consider results of Hussein's talks
to be encouraging, They were not conclusive in terms of getting final
agreement from Nasser to Jarring's formula but we believe nonetheless
we are within reach of getting talks started. We leave to other addressees
whether there would be benefit in giving GOI run down on Hussein-Nasser
talks until it is clear what Jarring intends to do next. He may need
pushing from U Thant or Bunche if we are to have any quick action. Because
of Jarring's less than activist approach to his mission we recognize
that proposed revising of penultimate sentence in his formula may risk
considerable delay and even Israeli rejection.
Sources: Foreign
Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, V. 20, Arab-Israeli Dispute
1967-1968. DC: GPO,
2001. |