Press
Conference Regarding Developments in Lebanon
(August 21, 2006)
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. Please be
seated. Fancy digs you got here. Thanks for
your hospitality. It's good to visit with
you. I look forward to taking some of your
questions. I do want to talk to you about
the latest developments in Lebanon, and what
we're doing to ensure U.N.
Security Council 1701 is implemented and its words are quickly
put into action.
Resolution 1701 authorizes
an effective international force to deploy
to Lebanon, which is essential to peace in
the region and it's essential to the freedom
of Lebanon. An effective international force
will help ensure the cessation of hostilities
hold in Lebanon once the Israeli troops withdraw.
An effective international force will help
the Lebanese army meet its responsibility
to secure Lebanon's borders and stop them
from acting as -- and stop Hezbollah from
acting as a state within a state. An effective
international force will help give displaced
people in both Lebanon and Israel the confidence
to return to their homes and begin rebuilding
their lives without fear of renewed violence
and terror.
An international force requires international
commitment. Previous resolutions have failed
in Lebanon because they were not implemented
by the international community, and in this
case, did not prevent Hezbollah and their
sponsors from instigating violence. The new
resolution authorizes a force of up to 15,000
troops. It gives this force an expanded mandate.
The need is urgent. The international community
must now designate the leadership of this
new international force, give it robust rules
of engagement, and deploy it as quickly as
possible to secure the peace.
America will do our part. We will assist
a new international force with logistic support,
command and control, communications and intelligence.
Lebanon, Israel and our allies agreed that
this would be the most effective contribution
we can make at this time. We will also work
with the leadership in the international
force, once it's identified, to ensure that
the United States is doing all we can to
make this mission a success.
Deployment of this new international force
will also help speed delivery of humanitarian
assistance. Our nation is wasting no time
in helping the people of Lebanon. In other
words, we're acting before the force gets
in there. We've been on the ground in Beirut
for weeks, and I've already distributed more
than half of our $50 million pledge of disaster
relief to the Lebanese people who have lost
their homes in the current conflict. Secretary
Rice has led the diplomatic efforts to establish
humanitarian corridors so that relief convoys
can get through, to reopen the Beirut airport
to passenger and humanitarian aid flights,
and to ensure a steady fuel supply for Lebanese
power plants and automobiles. I directed
25,000 tons of wheat be delivered in Lebanon
in the coming weeks.
But we'll do even more. Today,
I'm announcing that America will send more
aid to support humanitarian and reconstruction
work in Lebanon, for a total of more than
$230 million. These funds will help the Lebanese
people rebuild their homes and return to
their towns and communities. The funds will
help the Lebanese people restore key bridges
and roads. The funds will help the Lebanese
people rehabilitate schools so the children
can start their school year on time this
fall.
I directed that an oil spill response team
be sent to assist the Lebanese government
in cleaning up an oil slick that is endangering
coastal communities; proposing a $42 million
package to help train and equip Lebanon's
armed forces. I will soon be sending a presidential
delegation of private sector leaders to Lebanon
to identify ways that we can tap into the
generosity of American businesses and non-profits
to continue to help the people of Lebanon.
We take these steps -- and I'll also work
closely with Congress to extend the availability
of loan guarantees to help rebuild infrastructure
in Israel, infrastructure damaged by Hezbollah's
rockets.
America is making a long-term commitment
to help the people of Lebanon because we
believe every person deserves to live in
a free, open society that respects the rights
of all. We reject the killing of innocents
to achieve a radical and violent agenda.
The terrorists and their state sponsors,
Iran and Syria, have a much darker vision.
They're working to thwart the efforts of
the Lebanese people to break free from foreign
domination and build their own democratic
future. The terrorists and their sponsors
are not going to succeed. The Lebanese people
have made it clear they want to live in freedom.
And now it's up to their friends and allies
to help them do so.
I'll be glad to answer some questions, starting
with you, Terry.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. More than 3,500
Iraqis were killed last month, the highest
civilian monthly toll since the war began.
Are you disappointed with the lack of progress
by Iraq's unity government in bringing together
the sectarian and ethnic groups?
THE PRESIDENT: No, I am aware that extremists
and terrorists are doing everything they
can to prevent Iraq's democracy from growing
stronger. That's what I'm aware of. And,
therefore, we have a plan to help them -- "them," the
Iraqis -- achieve their objectives. Part
of the plan is political; that is the help
the Maliki government work on reconciliation
and to work on rehabilitating the community.
The other part is, of course, security. And
I have given our commanders all the flexibility
they need to adjust tactics to be able to
help the Iraqi government defeat those who
want to thwart the ambitions of the people.
And that includes a very robust security
plan for Baghdad.
We've, as you may or may not know, Terry,
moved troops from Mosul, the Stryker Brigade,
into Baghdad, all aiming to help the Iraqi
government succeed.
You know, I hear a lot of talk about civil
war. I'm concerned about that, of course,
and I've talked to a lot of people about
it. And what I've found from my talks are
that the Iraqis want a unified country, and
that the Iraqi leadership is determined to
thwart the efforts of the extremists and
the radicals and al Qaeda, and that the security
forces remain united behind the government.
And one thing is clear: The Iraqi people
are showing incredible courage.
The United States of America must understand
it's in our interests that we help this democracy
succeed. As a matter of fact, it's in our
interests that we help reformers across the
Middle East achieve their objectives. This
is the fundamental challenge of the 21st
century. A failed Iraq would make America
less secure. A failed Iraq in the heart of
the Middle East will provide safe haven for
terrorists and extremists. It will embolden
those who are trying to thwart the ambitions
of reformers. In this case, it would give
the terrorists and extremists an additional
tool besides safe haven, and that is revenues
from oil sales.
You know, it's an interesting debate we're
having in America about how we ought to handle
Iraq. There's a lot of people -- good, decent
people, saying, withdraw now. They're absolutely
wrong. It would be a huge mistake for this
country. If you think problems are tough
now, imagine what it would be like if the
United States leaves before this government
has a chance to defend herself, govern herself,
and listen to the -- and answer to the will
of the people.
Patsy. We're working our way here.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Iran has indicated
that it will defy the U.N. on nuclear enrichment.
It's been holding military exercises, sending
weapons and money to Hezbollah. Is Tehran's
influence in the region growing, despite
your efforts to curb it?
THE PRESIDENT: The final history in the
region has yet to be written. And what's
very interesting about the violence in Lebanon
and the violence in Iraq and the violence
in Gaza is this: These are all groups of
terrorists who are trying to stop the advance
of democracy. They're trying to thwart the
will of millions who simply want a normal,
hopeful life. That's what we're seeing. And
it's up to the international community to
understand the threat.
I remember right after Hezbollah launched
its rocket attacks on Israel, I said, this
is a clarifying moment. It's a chance for
the world to see the threats of the 21st
century, the challenge we face.
And so, to answer your question on Iran,
Iran is obviously part of the -- part of
the problem. They sponsor Hezbollah. They
encourage a radical brand of Islam. Imagine
how difficult this issue would be if Iran
had a nuclear weapon. And so, therefore,
it's up to the international community, including
the United States, to work in concert to
-- for effective diplomacy. And that begins
at the United Nations Security Council.
We have passed one Security Council resolution,
demanding that Iran cease its enrichment
activities. We will see what the response
is. We're beginning to get some indication,
but we'll wait until they have a formal response.
The U.N. resolution calls for us to come
back together on the 31st of August. The
dates -- dates are fine, but what really
matters is will. And one of the things I
will continue to remind our friends and allies
is the danger of a nuclear-armed Iran.
But, no, you're right, this is a -- they're
a central part of creating instability, trying
to stop reformers from realizing dreams. And
the question facing this country is, will --
do we, one, understand the threat to America?
In other words, do we understand that a failed
-- failed states in the Middle East are a direct
threat to our country's security? And secondly,
will we continue to stay engaged in helping
reformers, in working to advance liberty, to
defeat an ideology that doesn't believe in
freedom?
And my answer is, so long as I'm the President,
we will. I clearly see the challenge. I see
the challenge to what these threats pose
to our homeland, and I see the challenge
-- what these threats pose to the world.
Helen. (Laughter.) What's so funny about
me saying "Helen"? (Laughter.) It's the anticipation
of your question, I guess.
Q Israel broke its word twice on a truce.
And you mentioned Hezbollah rockets, but
it's -- Israeli bombs have destroyed Lebanon.
Why do you always give them a pass? And what's
your view on breaking of your oath for a
truce?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, thank you. I like to
remind people about how this started, how
this whole -- how the damage to innocent
life, which bothers me -- but, again, what
caused this.
Q Why drop bombs on --
THE PRESIDENT: Let me finish -- let -- ma'am.
Ma'am, please let me finish the question.
It's a great question to begin with. The
follow-up was a little difficult, but anyway.
(Laughter.) I know you're waiting for my
answer, aren't you, with bated breath.
This never would have occurred had a terrorist
organization, a state within a state, not
launched attacks on a sovereign nation. From
the beginning, Helen, I said that Israel,
one, has a right to defend herself, but Israel
ought to be cautious about how she defends
herself. Israel is a democratically elected
government. They make decisions on their
own sovereignty. It's their decision-making
that is -- what leads to the tactics they
chose.
But the world must understand that now is
the time to come together to address the
root cause of the problem. And the problem
was you have a state within a state. You
have people launch attacks on a sovereign
nation without the consent of the government
in the country in which they are lodged.
And that's why it's very important for all
of us, those of us who are involved in this
process, to get an international force into
Lebanon to help the Lebanese government achieve
some objectives. One is their ability to
exert control over the entire country; secondly
is to make sure that the Hezbollah forces
don't rearm, don't get arms from Syria or
Iran through Syria, to be able to continue
to wreak havoc in the region.
Let's see -- we'll finish the first line
here. Everybody can be patient.
Q Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. (Laughter.) It's kind
of like dancing together, isn't it? (Laughter.)
Q Yes, kind of. (Laughter.)
Q Very close quarters.
THE PRESIDENT: If I ask for any comments
from the peanut gallery I'll call on you.
(Laughter.) By the way, seersucker is coming
back. I hope everybody -- (laughter.) Never
mind.
Q Kind of the Texas county commissioner
look. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, Martha. Sorry.
Q That's quite all right. Mr. President,
I'd like to go back to Iraq. You've continually
cited the elections, the new government,
its progress in Iraq, and yet the violence
has gotten worse in certain areas. You've
had to go to Baghdad again. Is it not time
for a new strategy? And if not, why not?
THE PRESIDENT: You know, Martha, you've
covered the Pentagon, you know that the Pentagon
is constantly adjusting tactics because they
have the flexibility from the White House
to do so.
Q I'm talking about strategy --
THE PRESIDENT: The strategy is to help the
Iraqi people achieve their objectives and
their dreams, which is a democratic society.
That's the strategy. The tactics -- now,
either you say, yes, its important we stay
there and get it done, or we leave. We're
not leaving, so long as I'm the President.
That would be a huge mistake. It would send
an unbelievably terrible signal to reformers
across the region. It would say we've abandoned
our desire to change the conditions that
create terror. It would give the terrorists
a safe haven from which to launch attacks.
It would embolden Iran. It would embolden
extremists.
No, we're not leaving. The strategic objective
is to help this government succeed. That's
the strategic -- and not only to help the
government -- the reformers in Iraq succeed,
but to help the reformers across the region
succeed to fight off the elements of extremism.
The tactics are which change. Now, if you
say, are you going to change your strategic
objective, it means you're leaving before
the mission is complete. And we're not going
to leave before the mission is complete.
I agree with General Abizaid: We leave before
the mission is done, the terrorists will
follow us here.
And so we have changed tactics. Our commanders
have got the flexibility necessary to change
tactics on the ground, starting with Plan
Baghdad. And that's when we moved troops
from Mosul into Baghdad and replaced them
with the Stryker Brigade, so we increased
troops during this time of instability.
Suzanne.
Q Sir, that's not really the question. The
strategy --
THE PRESIDENT: Sounded like the question
to me.
Q You keep -- you keep saying that you don't
want to leave. But is your strategy to win
working? Even if you don't want to leave?
You've gone into Baghdad before, these things
have happened before.
THE PRESIDENT: If I didn't think it would
work, I would change -- our commanders would
recommend changing the strategy. They believe
it will work. It takes time to defeat these
people. The Maliki government has been in
power for less than six months. And, yes,
the people spoke. I've cited that as a part
of -- the reason I cite it is because it's
what the Iraqi people want. And the fundamental
question facing this government is whether
or not we will stand with reformers across
the region. It's really the task. And we're
going to stand with this government.
Obviously, I wish the violence would go
down, but not as much as the Iraqi citizens
would wish the violence would go down. But,
incredibly enough, they show great courage,
and they want our help. And any sign that
says we're going to leave before the job
is done simply emboldens terrorists and creates
a certain amount of doubt for people so they
won't take the risk necessary to help a civil
society evolve in the country.
This is a campaign -- I'm sure they're watching
the campaign carefully. There are a lot of
good, decent people saying, get out now;
vote for me, I will do everything I can to,
I guess, cut off money is what they'll try
to do to get our troops out. It's a big mistake.
It would be wrong, in my judgment, for us
to leave before the mission is complete in
Iraq.
Suzanne.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Back to Lebanon.
The Lebanese Prime Minister, over the weekend,
said that Israel flagrantly violated the
cease-fire with its raid into Lebanon, and
so far the European allies who have committed
forces, the U.N. security peacekeeping forces,
have expressed reservations; those Muslim
nations who have offered troops have been
shunned by Israeli officials. Why shouldn't
we see the cease-fire as one that essentially
is falling apart? And what makes this more
than a piece of paper if you don't have the
will of the international community to back
it up?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, no, listen, all the
more reason why we need to help our friends
and allies get the forces necessary to help
the Lebanese forces keep the cessation of
hostilities in place, intact. And that's
why we're working with friends, with allies,
with Security Council members, to make sure
the force that is committed is robust and
the rules of engagement are clear. And so
it's an ongoing series of conversations and
discussions, and hopefully this will happen
quite quickly.
Q Will you pressure the French to contribute
more troops?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we're pressing on all.
I was asked about the French the other day
at Camp David, and I
-- listen, France has had a very close relationship
with Lebanon, there's historical ties with
Lebanon; I would hope they would put more
troops in. They understand the region as
well as anybody. And so we're working with
a lot of folks, trying to get this force
up and running.
Look, like you -- I mean, you sound somewhat
frustrated by diplomacy. Diplomacy can be
a frustrating thing. I think the strategy
can work, so long as the force is robust
and the rules of engagement are clear.
Q Mr. President, as you mentioned, we're
just 10 days from the U.N. Security Council
deadline on Iran. Judging by the public comments
from the Iranians, it appears at least highly
unlikely that they're going to stop or suspend
their enrichment program. Are you confident
that the U.N. Security Council will move
quickly on sanctions if Iran thumbs its nose
at the world again?
THE PRESIDENT: I certainly hope so. In order
for the U.N. to be effective, there must
be consequences if people thumb their nose
at the United Nations Security Council. And
we will work with people in the Security
Council to achieve that objective, and the
objective is that there's got to be a consequence
for them basically ignoring what the Security
Council has suggested through resolution.
Q Understanding that diplomacy takes time,
do you think that this could drag out for
a while?
THE PRESIDENT: You know, I don't know. I
certainly want to solve this problem diplomatically,
and I believe the best chance to do so is
for there to be more than one voice speaking
clearly to the Iranians. And I was pleased
that we got a resolution, that there was
a group of nations willing to come together
to send a message to the Iranians -- nations
as diverse as China and Russia, plus the
EU3 and the United States.
Kelly.
Q Good morning, Mr. President. When you
talked today about the violence in Baghdad,
first you mentioned extremists, radicals,
and then al Qaeda. It seems that al Qaeda
and foreign fighters are much less of a problem
there, and that it really is Iraqi versus
Iraqi. And when we heard about your meeting
the other day with experts and so forth,
some of the reporting out of that said you
were frustrated, you were surprised. And
your spokesman said, no, you're determined.
But frustration seems like a very real emotion.
Why wouldn't you be frustrated, sir, about
what's happening?
THE PRESIDENT: I'm not -- I do remember
the meeting; I don't remember being surprised.
I'm not sure what they meant by that.
Q About the lack of gratitude among the
Iraqi people.
THE PRESIDENT: Oh. No, I think -- first
of all, to the first part of your question,
if you look back at the words of Zarqawi
before he was brought to justice, he made
it clear that the intent of their tactics
in Iraq was to create civil strife. In other
words, look at what he said. He said, let's
kill Shia to get Shia to seek revenge, and
therefore, to create this kind of -- hopefully,
a cycle of violence.
Secondly, it's pretty clear that at least
the evidence indicates that the bombing of
the shrine was an al Qaeda plot, all intending
to create sectarian violence. No, al Qaeda
is still very active in Iraq. As a matter
of fact some of the more -- I would guess,
I would surmise that some of the more spectacular
bombings are done by al Qaeda suiciders.
No question there's sectarian violence,
as well. And the challenge is to provide
a security plan such that a political process
can go forward. And I know -- I'm sure you
all are tired of hearing me say 12 million
Iraqis voted, but it's an indication about
the desire for people to live in a free society.
That's what that means.
And the only way to defeat this ideology
in the long-term is to defeat it through
another ideology, a competing ideology, one
where government responds to the will of
the people. And that's really -- really the
fundamental question we face here in the
beginning of this 21st century is whether
or not we believe as a nation, and others
believe, it is possible to defeat this ideology.
Now, I recognize some say that these folks
are not ideologically bound. I strongly disagree.
I think not only do they have an ideology,
they have tactics necessary to spread their
ideology. And it would be a huge mistake
for the United States to leave the region,
to concede territory to the terrorists, to
not confront them. And the best way to confront
them is to help those who want to live in
free society.
Look, eventually Iraq will succeed because
the Iraqis will see to it that they succeed.
And our job is to help them succeed. That's
our job. Our job is to help their forces
be better equipped, to help their police
be able to deal with these extremists, and
to help their government succeed.
Q But are you frustrated, sir?
THE PRESIDENT: Frustrated? Sometimes I'm
frustrated. Rarely surprised. Sometimes I'm
happy. This is -- but war is not a time of
joy. These aren't joyous times. These are
challenging times, and they're difficult
times, and they're straining the psyche of
our country. I understand that. You know,
nobody likes to see innocent people die.
Nobody wants to turn on their TV on a daily
basis and see havoc wrought by terrorists.
And our question is, do we have the capacity
and the desire to spread peace by confronting
these terrorists, and supporting those who
want to live in liberty? That's the question.
And my answer to that question is, we must.
We owe it to future generations to do so.
Bill.
Q Mr. President, as you have reminded us
a number of times, it was Hezbollah that
started the confrontation between Israel
and Lebanon. But you were supportive of the
holding off of any kind of cease-fire until
Israel had a chance to clear out the Hezbollah
weapons. By all accounts, they did not exactly
succeed in doing that. And by all accounts,
the Lebanese army, as it moved into southern
Lebanon, had a wink-and-a-nod arrangement
with Hezbollah not to disturb anything, to
just leave things as they are, a situation
not unknown in the Middle East. Do you demand
that the peacekeeping force, if and when
it gets up and running, disarm Hezbollah?
THE PRESIDENT: The truth of the matter is,
if 1559, that's the United Nations Security
Council resolution number, had been fully
implemented, we wouldn't be in the situation
we were in to begin with. There will be another
resolution coming out of the United Nations
giving further instructions to the international
force. First things first; is to get the
rules of engagement clear, so that the force
will be robust to help the Lebanese.
One thing is for certain -- is that when
this force goes into help Lebanon, Hezbollah
won't have that safe haven, or that kind
of freedom to run in Lebanon's southern border.
In other words, there's an opportunity to
create a cushion, a security cushion. Hopefully,
over time, Hezbollah will disarm. You can't
have a democracy with an armed political
party willing to bomb its neighbor without
the consent of its government, or deciding,
well, let's create enough chaos and discord
by lobbing rockets.
And so the reality is, in order for Lebanon
to succeed -- and we want Lebanon's democracy
to succeed -- the process is going to --
the Lebanese government is eventually going
to have to deal with Hezbollah.
Q But it's the status quo if there's no
disarming.
THE PRESIDENT: Not really. I mean, yes,
eventually, you're right. But in the meantime,
there will be a -- there's a security zone,
something to -- where the Lebanese army and
the UNIFIL force are more robust, UNIFIL
force can create a security zone between
Lebanon and Israel. That would be helpful.
But, ultimately, you're right. Your question
is, shouldn't Hezbollah disarm, and ultimately,
they should. And it's necessary, for the
Lebanese government to succeed.
The cornerstone of our policy in that part
of the world is to help democracies. Lebanon
is a democracy; we want the Siniora government
to succeed. Part of our aid package is going
to be help strengthen the army of Lebanon
so when the government speaks, when the government
commits its troops, they do so in an effective
way.
Sources: White House |