Molotov's Report on Ratification of the Anglo-Soviet
Treaty
(June 19, 1942)
Moscow, June 19, 1942
Information Bulletin, Embassy of the U.S.S.R., Washington, D.
C., June 19, 1942.
COMRADE DEPUTIES:
The Government has deemed it necessary to submit to the Supreme Soviet
for examination and ratification the Anglo-Soviet treaty concluded May
26 in London, in view of the great political importance of this treaty.
The treaty consolidates the friendly relations which have been established
between the Soviet Union and Great Britain and their mutual military
assistance in the struggle against Hitlerite Germany. It transforms
these relations into a stable alliance. The treaty also defines the
general line of our joint action with Great Britain in the post-war
period.
The entire tenor of the treaty bears out its great political importance
not only for the development of Anglo-Soviet relations but also for
the future development of the entire complex of international relations
in Europe. Both the Anglo-Soviet treaty and the results of the negotiations
which I conducted on instructions of the Soviet Government in London
and Washington testify to the substantial consolidation of friendly
relations among the Soviet Union, Great Britain and the United States
of America. The importance of this fact to the peoples of the Soviet
Union, who are bearing the main brunt of the struggle against Hitlerite
Germany, will increase in such measure as it helps expedite our victory
over the German invaders. The treaty, like other results of the negotiations
in London and Washington, should hasten the defeat of Hitlerite Germany
and its associates in aggression in Europe. At the same time these results
will serve as a basis for further development of friendly relations
between the USSR and Great Britain, as well as between both these countries
and the United States of America.
The treaty and the understanding reached between the Soviet Union and
England, as well as between the Soviet Union and the United States,
on a number of very important questions relating to the present war
and on collaboration after the war imply a consolidation of the fellowship
in arms of all freedom-loving nations, which are headed today by the
Soviet Union, Great Britain and the United States.
Let me recall the events which preceded the conclusion of the Anglo-Soviet
treaty of May 26 and which constituted the principal stages in the development
of new, friendly relations between the Soviet Union and Great Britain.
As is known, on the very day of the German aggression against the Soviet
Union-June 22 of last year-Mr. Churchill, Prime Minister of Great Britain,
expressly declared that England would give assistance to the Soviet
Union in the war against the German invaders because the British people
considered the crushing of Hitlerite Germany their joint task with the
peoples of the Soviet Union.
The negotiations which followed with the Ambassador of Great Britain
at Moscow, Mr. Cripps, in which Comrade Stalin took a most active part,
resulted in the signing of the well known Anglo-Soviet accord of July
12, 1941. By this agreement the Governments of the USSR and Great Britain
reciprocally undertook to grant each other all assistance and mutual
support in the war against Hitlerite Germany and not to negotiate or
conclude an armistice or peace except by mutual consent. This agreement
frustrated Hitler's plans to divide his adversaries and Hitler's hopes
of combating each of them separately.
July 12 of last year marked a turning point in the development of Anglo-Soviet
relations. On that day was laid a foundation of friendship and fighting
collaboration between our countries in the struggle against their common,
sworn enemy and in the interest of the great future of our nations.
The next stage in the development of Anglo-Soviet, and at the same
time of Soviet-American, relations was the well known Tri-Power Conference
at Moscow, attended by Lord Beaverbrook representing Great Britain,
and Mr. Harriman representing the United States, which completed its
work October 1 of last year. This conference worked out a plan for delivery
of munitions to the Soviet Union from Great Britain and the United States.
As a result, tanks, planes and other weapons, as well as lacking materials
such as aluminum, nickel, rubber, etc., began to arrive in the Soviet
Union in accord with the vast program of deliveries drawn up at the
Moscow conference.
Of course we should remember that delivery of armaments and material
to the Soviet Union presented and still presents many difficulties.
German warships, submarines and airplanes are engaged in brigandage
and piratry in the Atlantic Ocean, constantly attacking the ships bringing
these arms to the Soviet Union. Although escorted by the naval forces
of our allies, a number of ships carrying cargoes for the USSR have
perished on the way to Murmansk and Arkhangelsk. Nevertheless, supplies
and weapons coming from the United States and Great Britain, far from
having diminished, have increased in the last few months.
These deliveries constitute an essential and important addition to
the armaments and supplies which the Red Army receives in overwhelmingly
major proportion from our own internal resources. We considered and
still consider it necessary to take measures to increase and improve
these deliveries, both at present and in the future. It must also be
recognized that these deliveries have played and will in future play
an important role in strengthening friendly relations among the USSR,
Great Britain and the United States.
The visit to Moscow in December of last year of Mr. Eden, British Secretary
of Foreign Affairs, and the fruitful negotiations which Comrade Stalin
conducted with him, in which I participated, were another important
factor in the development of Anglo-Soviet relations. These negotiations
subsequently developed, and it later became clear that they promised
to lead to definite, positive results. Then, on April 3, came an invitation
from the British Government to the Soviet Government that I should be
sent to London to complete these negotiations and discuss the corresponding
draft of a treaty. At the same time the President of the United States
of America invited Comrade Stalin to send me to Washington for negotiations
on important military and political questions of an urgent character.
As you know, this visit by myself and a group of close assistants took
place and I had long and friendly conversations both in London with
Mr. Churchill, Mr. Eden and other members of the British Government,
and in Washington with Mr. Roosevelt, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Hull and other
leading representatives of the United States. Soviet Ambassador Comrade
Maisky took part in the negotiations at London and Soviet Ambassador
Comrade Litvinov took part in those at Washington. Furthermore, an important
part in the discussions of military and strategic problems was taken
by the chiefs of the military staffs of Great Britain and the United
States and by appropriate Soviet military representatives.
As a result of these successful negotiations, there was signed at London
on May 26, between the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom of Great
Britain, a "treaty of alliance in the war against Hitlerite Germany
and its associates in Europe and of collaboration and mutual assistance
thereafter."
The treaty consists of two parts: The first part contains two articles
defining the relations between the USSR and Great Britain during the
war against Hitlerite Germany, and the second part contains articles
defining the relations between the two countries after the war.
Of the first part of the treaty it may be said that it repeats in general
the tenor of the well known Anglo-Soviet agreement of July 12 of last
year, transforming this agreement into a formal treaty. Giving greater
precision to last year's agreement, this part of the treaty provides
for mutual military and other assistance and support not only against
Germany, but also against "those states which are associated with
her in acts of aggression in Europe."
The second part of the treaty is comparatively new. The significance
of this part of the treaty consists, first, in the fact that it lays
down for the first time basic principles for friendly collaboration
between the USSR and Great Britain after the war. It also provides for
collaboration by both countries with the other United Nations in the
peace settlement and in the postwar period. This collaboration is conceived
along the lines of the basic principles of the well known Atlantic Charter,
to which the USSR in good time adhered.
There can be no doubt that an agreement of this kind will be of great
significance in the entire future development of Europe. Both countries
agreed to work together after the re-establishment of peace "for
the organization of security and economic prosperity in Europe."
The treaty states that both countries "will take into account the
interests of the United Nations in realizing this objective and will
act in accord with the two principles of not seeking territorial aggrandizement
for themselves and of non-interference in the internal affairs of other
states."
These principles of the treaty fully accord with the well known pronouncement
made by the head of the Government of the USSR, Comrade Stalin, on November
6 last year, when he said: "We have not and cannot have any such
war aims as the seizure of foreign territories and the subjugation of
foreign peoples, whether it be peoples and territories of Europe or
peoples and territories of Asia, including Iran."
Stressing their lack of any desire for territorial aggrandizement for
themselves and their policy of non-interference in the internal affairs
of other states, the Soviet Union and Great Britain proclaim the friendly
principles of their policy toward all freedom-loving nations and at
the same time point to the fundamental difference between their policy
and the aggressive policy of Hitlerite Germany, which is fighting for
seizure of the territory of other nations and for their enslavement.
In this connection it is necessary to recall what Comrade Stalin said
about the aims of our patriotic war of liberation against the fascist
invaders when he addressed the peoples of the Soviet Union as far back
as July 3 of last year: "Our war for the freedom of our country
will merge with the struggle of the peoples of Europe and America for
their independence and for democratic liberties. It will be a united
front of the peoples standing for freedom and against enslavement and
threats of enslavement by Hitler's fascist armies."
In accordance with the aforementioned objects and principles of the
treaty, it declares that both Governments desire "to unite with
other like-minded states in adopting proposals for common action to
preserve peace and resist aggression in the post-war period," and
likewise after the termination of the war "to render impossible
a repetition of aggression and violation of the peace by Germany or
any of the states associated with her in acts of aggression in Europe."
Both countries also agreed that should one of them during the post-war
period again be attacked by Germany or any other aggressive state, the
other party "will at once give to the contracting party so involved
in hostilities all the military and other support and assistance in
its power."
The clear and categorical nature of this mutual undertaking is of high
importance to the countries which are striving to ensure a stable peace
after the victorious termination of this war. Further, everyone realizes
the importance of the fact that both Governments have agreed that all
the above-mentioned obligations relating to the post-war period shall
remain in force for a prolonged period, 20 years being the term envisaged,
with the possibility of its prolongation.
It is also asked whether, in addition to the published treaty, any
secret agreements were concluded between the USSR and Great Britain.
I must declare, with a full sense of responsibility, that these assumptions
are absolutely unfounded and that no secret Anglo-Soviet agreements
exist, as likewise there exist no secret Soviet-American agreements.
After all that has been said, one cannot help associating one-self
with the words uttered by Mr. Eden in his speech on the signing of the
treaty, when he said: "Never before in the history of our two countries
has our association been so close or our mutual pledge for the future
so complete. This is surely a happy augury."
The treaty met with a sympathetic response both in the USSR and in
Great Britain. The consolidation of friendship and collaboration in
the struggle against the invading German fascist tyrants and oppressors
met with warm approval and support among the broad masses of people
of both countries. The United States of America, which was kept duly
informed of the progress of the negotiations and the conclusion of the
treaty, as well as other freedom-loving countries which have experienced
the oppression and bloody tyranny of the Hitlerite hordes, or are in
danger of experiencing them, greeted our treaty with Great Britain with
approval.
In the camp of our enemies, in the camp of the German fascists and
their associates, on the other hand, the treaty has caused dismay and
malignant hissing. The camp of our enemies was caught unawares. All
the more effectively will the treaty serve our just and righteous cause
of liberation.
Important as are the questions which are dealt with in the treaty and
to which great attention was devoted in the London negotiations, these
negotiations, as you know, were not confined to the aforementioned questions
alone. Both in London and Washington other important questions were
also discussed. I am referring chiefly to questions intimately bearing
on the vital problems of our war against Hitlerite Germany. Serious
attention was naturally paid in our negotiations both in London and
in Washington to problems of a second front in Europe. The results of
these negotiations are dealt with in similar words both in Anglo-Soviet
and Soviet-American communiqués. Both communiqués declare
that in the negotiations "complete understanding was reached with
regard to the urgent tasks of creating a second front in Europe in 1942."
This statement is of great importance to the peoples of the Soviet
Union, since the creation of a second front in Europe will make insuperable
difficulties for Hitler's armies on our front. Let us hope that our
common enemy will soon experience to his cost the results of the ever
growing military collaboration of the three great powers.
Furthermore, questions were discussed of further improving and increasing
munitions deliveries to the Soviet Union from the United States and
Great Britain. Here too positive results may be recorded. In the second
half of the current year deliveries of munitions and supplies to the
USSR by the Allies will be increased and accelerated. This is confirmed
above all by the increasing dimensions of deliveries from the United
States.
As we know, last November the United States of America decided to accord
the Soviet Union a loan of $1,000,000,000 to pay for munitions deliveries
to the Soviet Union. As for the new program of deliveries, the United
States fixes its total value at $3,000,000,000. Thus we have a further
substantial increase in the military-economic assistance rendered to
the Soviet Union by the United States of America, as well as the consent
of Great Britain to further improve munitions deliveries.
In this connection we must recognize the supreme importance of the
"agreement between the Governments of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics and the United States of America on principles applying to
mutual aid in the prosecution of the war against aggression" signed
in Washington June 11, which follows the lines of a similar agreement
between the United States and Great Britain. This agreement is of a
preliminary nature and lays down only principles of future agreement
between the two governments in question.
The significance of this Soviet-American agreement lies in that it
not only proceeds from recognition of the fact of the fighting collaboration
established between the Soviet Union and the United States of America
in the present war against Hitlerite Germany, but also provides for
coordinated action between the two countries in the post-war period.
The agreement implies an understanding between the USSR and the United
States as regards the improvement of international relationships after
the war in the interests of the stability of the peace. Consequently,
the Washington agreement is of great significance to the United States
and the Soviet Union as well as to other nations.
Lastly, in Washington as in London were discussed all the basic problems
of collaboration between the Soviet Union and the United States in ensuring
peace and security for the freedom-loving nations after the war. In
this, as in the other fundamental questions of our relations, the parties
noted with satisfaction their mutual understanding and identity of views.
I must declare that, as the representative of the USSR, I was shown
cordiality and exceptional hospitality both in London and Washington.
I must particularly note the personal attention given to and the most
active part taken in the conversations by the President of the United
States, Mr. Roosevelt, and the British Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill,
and I take this opportunity of expressing to them sincere gratitude.
In all this we observe the consolidation of the international position
of the Soviet Union. Fact after fact confirms what Comrade Stalin said
in his May 1 Order-of-the-Day: "As regards the international ties
of our country, they have grown stronger and become more extensive of
late than ever before. All the freedom-loving peoples have united against
German imperialism. Their eyes are fixed on the Soviet Union. The heroic
fight which the peoples of our country are waging for their freedom,
honor and independence evokes the admiration of all progressive humanity.
The peoples of all the freedom-loving countries look upon the Soviet
Union as a force capable of delivering the world from the Hitlerite
plague. First among these freedom-loving countries stand Great Britain
and the United States of America, to which we are linked by bonds of
friendship and alliance and which are affording our country ever increasing
military assistance against the German fascist invaders."
The treaty and the results of the negotiations in London and Washington
in general testify that the ties of friendship and alliance among the
Soviet Union, Great Britain and the United States are growing ever stronger
and closer. This is a sign of the growing international recognition
of the Red Army's strength and its success in the struggle against the
sworn enemy of all freedom-loving nations, in the struggle against Hitler
and his bloody underlings. In this we observe also a confirmation of
the correctness of our Government's foreign policy, which is unswervingly
concerned to strengthen friendly relations with Great Britain and the
United States of America, as well as with all other freedom-loving nations,
in order to speed the defeat of Hitler's hordes and their expulsion
from our country, and for the sake of the triumph of the cause of all
freedom-loving nations united in struggle for their existence and happy
future.
The treaty with Great Britain and the results of the negotiations in
London and Washington strengthen our confidence, the confidence of the
Red Army and the entire Soviet people, that the united forces of the
adversaries of Hitler's army are growing ever stronger and more consolidated.
They strengthen our confidence that the defeat of the German invaders
is drawing near, that now our victory over predatory German imperialism
will be considerably accelerated.
The growing strength of the Red Army, the invincible Soviet people
and the increasing military assistance of our allies will defeat each
and every plan of the German fascist invaders. Our strength is growing
and our confidence in victory is greater than ever.
On behalf of the Government, I request the Supreme Soviet to ratify
the treaty placed before it as one which fully corresponds with the
interests of the Soviet people. Under the great banner of Lenin and
Stalin we are waging our heroic struggle of liberation against German
fascism. Under the great banner of Lenin and Stalin we shall carry this
struggle to a victorious conclusion and to the triumph of the cause
of our country and of all freedom-loving nations.
Sources: ibiblio |