Even before U.S. sanctions went into full effect, they were having an impact on Iran’s economy. Iran’s currency, the rial, has been in a freefall compared with the dollar, making imports more expensive and forcing Iran’s manufacturers and exporters to cut production and cancel contracts. In one sign of turmoil in Iran created by the Trump administration’s policy, Valiollah Seif, governor of the central bank of Iran was fired. When Seif took over the bank in 2013, it cost 30,000 rials to buy $1; today a dollar costs 150,000 (New York Times, September 5, 2018). Iran’s annual inflation rate is now 203% (Forbes, July 29, 2018).
U.S. sanctions have a secondary impact by cutting off Iranian oil shipments to Syria, which are causing fuel shortages and skyrocketing energy prices. “It severs a longstanding oil lifeline for the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad,“ the Wall Street Journal reported, “and deprives Iran of a key point of leverage in the region” (Wall Street Journal, March 22, 2019).
In another sign that sanctions are having a devastating impact on the Iranian economy, the Islamic Republic News Agency admitted that 70% of factories, workshops and mines in the country have shut down or gone bankrupt (Middle East Monitor, October 25, 2018). Unemployment is running at 12.1%, with 3 million Iranians unable to find jobs. In addition, the Iranian middle class is being hard hit by a spike in housing prices, which more than doubled in one year (AP, August 3, 2019).
Iran’s economy was already suffering from high unemployment and inflation, but had been projected to have modest growth as a result of the business activity that resumed following the signing of the JCPOA. Following the reimposition of sanctions, however, the economy was expected to grow by less than half the previously projected rate and to contract in 2019 (Wall Street Journal, July 18, 2018). In April 2019, the International Monetary Fund projected Iran’s economy would shrink by 6% in 2019, much worse than the IMF’s October prediction of a 3.6% contraction. IMF also estimated that Iran’s economy shrunk by 3.9% in 2018, more than double the earlier projection (24Pakistan, April 9, 2019).
On the 40th anniversary of its revolution, Gallup reported that “for the first time in a decade, a majority of Iranians (57%) said economic conditions in their communities are getting worse and a record 34% rated their lives poorly enough to be considered ‘suffering’” (Gallup, February 12, 2019).
In addition to attempting to strangle the Iranian economy as a means of pressuring the government to change its policy, the Trump administration has launched a campaign to foment unrest by using social media, speeches and other communications critical of the government. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the U.S. is creating a Farsi channel across television, radio, digital and social media formats to circumvent Internet censorship in Iran “so that ordinary Iranians inside Iran and around the globe will know that America stands with them” (Washington Post, July 23, 2018). Some of the messages are meant to convince the public their leaders are corrupt and neglecting their welfare; for example, by portraying the government as squandering money on foreign adventures rather than spending it domestically on the Iranian people (Reuters, July 22, 2018).
On July 21, 2018, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani warned the Trump administration against continuing to oppose Iran and threatened to shut down international oil shipments in the Strait of Hormuz. “Mr. Trump, don’t play with the lion’s tail, this would only lead to regret,” IRNA, the state-run news wire, quoted Rouhani as saying. “America should know that peace with Iran is the mother of all peace, and war with Iran is the mother of all wars” (Reuters, July 22, 2018).
A day later, Trump tweeted:
NEVER, EVER THREATEN THE UNITED STATES AGAIN OR YOU WILL SUFFER CONSEQUENCES THE LIKES OF WHICH FEW THROUGHOUT HISTORY HAVE EVER SUFFERED BEFORE. WE ARE NO LONGER A COUNTRY THAT WILL STAND FOR YOUR DEMENTED WORDS OF VIOLENCE & DEATH. BE CAUTIOUS! (JTA, July 23, 2018).
Iran again upped the ante with Iran’s Major General Qassem Soleimani warning that the Red Sea was no longer safe for U.S. vessels. “You may begin the war, but it is us who will end it,” the Iranian commander said (Asharq Al-Awsat, (July 27, 2018).).
On August 16, 2018, Pompeo announced that Brian Hook, the State Department’s director of policy planning, will serve as the administration’s special representative for Iran and lead a new “Iran Action Group” to oversee “our new strategy [that] addresses all manifestations of the Iranian threat.” Hook said the group will be comprised of an “elite team” of foreign affairs professionals at the State Department and across the administration. At the heart of the strategy are the twelve demands made of Iran by Pompeo in his May 21 speech. Hook also warned the U.S. is “prepared to impose secondary sanctions on other governments that continue to trade with Iran” (Algemeiner, August 16, 2018).
Less than a week later, U.S. prosecutors announced charges against Ahmadreza Mohammadi Doostdar, a dual U.S.-Iranian citizen, and Majid Ghorbani, an Iranian citizen and resident of California. The two men are accused of acting as agents of the government of Iran, covertly monitoring the Rohr Chabad House, which serves students at the University of Illinois at Chicago, and surveilling American members of an Iranian opposition group in exile. “This alleged activity demonstrates a continued interest in targeting the United States, as well as potential opposition groups located in the United States,” namely the Mujahideen-e Khalq (MEK) or People’s Mujahedin of Iran, said Michael McGarrity, acting executive assistant director of the FBI’s national security branch (Washington Post, August 20, 2018).
Iran has also been engaging in a variety of malevolent cyber activities. This includes spear-phishing attacks (using fake emails to induce recipients to reveal confidential information), the spread of malware and efforts to infiltrate computer systems. Social media platforms also discovered fake accounts, and the spread of false information and propaganda by Iranians using websites designed to look independent, videos and social media posts. Google, YouTube, Facebook and Twitter subsequently deleted videos and accounts traced to Iran (Wall Street Journal, August 24, 2018).
Admitting that sanctions were damaging their already weak economy, Iranian lawyers asked the International Court of Justice on August 27, 2018, to order the United States to lift sanctions imposed by the Trump administration against Tehran on grounds they violate the 1955 Treaty of Amity between Iran and the U.S. Secretary of State Pompeo described Iran’s suit as “an attempt to interfere with the sovereign rights of the United States to take lawful actions, including re-imposition of sanctions, which are necessary to protect our national security.” He added the United States, “will vigorously defend against Iran’s meritless claims this week in The Hague” (Reuters, August 26, 2018).
Lashing out at the United States and others pressuring his government, President Hassan Rouhani warned that Iran would flood Western countries with illegal drugs if the country is weakened by U.S. sanctions (AP, December 8, 2018).
Another area where Iran is feeling the pinch is in its airline industry as European countries ban flights by Mahan Air. Iranian airlines are also being forced to maintain their aging fleets, which also burn more fuel. The company is, however, continuing many flights including those secretly carrying operatives, weapons, and funds to Syria (Washington Institute, April 17, 2019).
The impact of the sanctions became more serious as Iran’s Asian allies have also become wary of running afoul of U.S. law. Asian companies had “provided a lifeline to Iran.” For example, the Chinese Bank of Kunlun Co. told its clients in April 2019 it was ceasing transfers with Iran. Huawei, the world’s second-largest smartphone maker, laid off most of its Iranian staff and Lenovo, the world’s largest computer manufacturer, “banned its Dubai-based distributors from selling to Iran after a warning from the U.S. Treasury Department” (Wall Street Journal, April 25, 2019).
On May 8, 2019, President Rouhani announced Iran would begin to build up its stockpiles of low enriched uranium and of heavy water. If the Europeans fail to compensate for U.S. sanctions, he threatened, Iran will resume construction of the Arak nuclear reactor. He added that if the Europeans do not help them evade sanctions, particularly those relating to petroleum exports and banking transactions, Iran will no longer limit the level of enrichment of uranium. He gave them 60 days to comply (New York Times, May 8, 2019).
Iran did not pull out of the deal as some feared. “Iran’s future actions will be fully within the (nuclear deal), from which the Islamic Republic will not withdraw,” Foreign Minister Mohammad Zarif said. “The European Union and others ... did not have the power to resist U.S. pressure, therefore Iran ... will not carry out some voluntary commitments” (Reuters, May 8, 2019).
The sanctions have not softened the position of the Iranians. “We said before that we will not negotiate with America, because negotiation has no benefit and carries harm,” Ayatollah Khamenei said on May 28, 2019. “We will not negotiate over the core values of the revolution. We will not negotiate over our military capabilities” (Reuters, May 29, 2019).
One reason may be the ongoing efforts to circumvent U.S. sanctions. A New York Times investigation, for example, found that at least 12 Iranian tankers loaded oil after sanctions took full effect and delivered it to China or the Eastern Mediterranean, where the buyers may have included Syria or Turkey (New York Times, August 3, 2019). In August 2019, two Lebanese companies were accused of smuggling Iranian oil to Syria (Asharq Al-Awsat, August 14, 2019).